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Poona Oriental Series. No. 36 



* political, aJrinnistfative* rellgmiis, Mfeial. tconmmc md liicfa. 

flic Deccan (i» Soulliem Oyjarat, JVfabaraslitra, 
k, , Nizam's Dominions, anci Nortliern Mysore*)- 
tluring C, 750 AJX to C. 1000 -A.D. 

. v''i0iiltSfe*;'''<Be»»fi5a; "ITindB ; 

lira w of Important Towns ancl Cities in Gujarat ancl"''^' 
, ■ Katliiawa-r/ , , '* JT/istorf 'of 

-P ^J A- Sr' 




,n the transliteration scheme followed in 
>wing deserve to be noted 

ong vowels : by a line above the short ones. 

books by the same author 

1. A HUtory of Important Ancient town* an 
Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawar; reprinted 
{iota the Indian Antiquary, 

of print. 

2. A History of tkc m 

Western '8acf ord Unwewity Press, 

Bombay.^oiy. Pp. stvi + 144 . Price Rs. 3 

3. Edueydon in Andent India. The Indian Book 

sjZ Benares City. 1934. Pp. vi+386. 

tk Price R». 3- 

through several stages. In the beginning, almost every- 
thing appeared to be of the nature of a dim legend; hardly 
any historical data were available. When the key to the 
ancient Indian inscriptions was discovered, abundant bistori- 
^ -at material became available, and the energies of scholars 
some time directed towards the task of assorting it. 
1 he first generation of scholars was naturally engaged in 
letermining the chronology and giving the frame-work of^the 
pohtiral history. These problems became more or less 

^wingto the commendabie zeal 
1>f the Indian Government and of the various research societies, 

^ ’im in India and abroad, immense historical material 
^ecame available in course of time. Th(s discovery of the 
' rthas astro, which coincided with the political awakening 
^ ® gave a powerful impetus to the study of , the 

•olitical institutions of Ancient India, The material now 
callable is, however, so ample that the historian need hot 
, anger be exclusively or mainly occupied with the court, but 
give equal attention to the cottage. 

' j, In this book, which substantially represents Ta thesis 
pcepted for the D. Litt. degree of the Benares Hindu Uni-, 
•Yersity. an attempt has been made to give a compr^ensive 
history of the Deccan under the Rashtrakutas (c. 750-1000 A. D.); 

The first Part ( Chapters I-VI ) deals with the political 
iislory of the Rashtrakufa dynasty. More than 40 3''ears 
:iave elapsed since the late Drs, R G. Bhandarkarand Fleet 
jWrote upon this subject. During this time, several new 
tocriptions of the Rashtrakutas and their ^contemporaries have, 
jeen published, necessitating the rewriting of the history of 
|ic dynasty, Some idea of the new' material, that has be-; 

come subsequently available in this period, may perliapj b 
gained, when it is pointed out that in the present work, i 
was found necessary to devote about four times the ' spac 
that wPs' found -more than sufficient by • Bhandarkar an- 
Fieei for narrating the political history of the house, 
a novel, political history cannot be all new or 
is, however, hoped that scholars' will find 
the Rashtrakutas expounded here much more full; 
any book so far published, 

points, -and conclusions will be met w..,,, 

Jeali'ng with the predecessors of Dantidurga, will be fouriq 
to be substantially new’* and originaL The political relation 
of the Rashtrakutas with their contemporaries and feuda^ 
tories have been fully discussed.' The history of the feudal’ 
tories, however, has not been dealt with in delail as it 
outside the scope ofr the present work. 

Part n ( Chaipters VII-^XII, ) contains a coniparaii^l 
study of the Rashtrakuta .administration. The boohs on |}i|,. 
subject of Ancient Indian Politics are now so numerousi, 
that the students of the subiect may be incliried to feel somi' 
apprehension at the prospect of a new one being added tci{ 
their number. It is, however, confidently hoped that || 
perusal of this part will show that epigraphical dociimentll 
have a rich store of material bearing on the subjecl. whicT' | 
has been practically untouched to the present day. Thfl 
information from the Rashtrakufa inscriptions has been in| 
several places compared to, contrasted with, and in some'] 
cases, where it seemed justifiable to do so. supplemented by; * 
the data supplied by the earlier, contemporary, and lateHi. 
inscriptions and works on the Nltisastra. DharmasSsiml 
■■and'AftkasMsira. ■ ' ■ ■ ' " ■ ^ 

Part III (Chapters XIITXVII) attempts to delineate Ui 
Religious, social, literary, educational and economic condilkw' 
ofthetimp. Here the back-ground had to be ncce^arill ' 

_ Lihe| 
uriginaL l!;| 
the history ofi 
than m 

Several new suggestions, 'vJew| 
hh, and Chapter I 

wider. The method in this part is also comparative. I have 
not only tried to show what the things were m the LJecoan 
under the Rashtrakutas, but also introduced comparisons wth 
a- view to illustrate the state of affairs in the earlier an 
times. In this part the treatment has been mainly conhneo 
to the Deccan under the Rashtrakutas; in a few cases 
clence from Northern India is also considered with a view to 
emphasise the points of similarity and contrast. m 
sidering the economic conditions, the data supphe ^ i 
Choia records had to be utilised, as it was ?_ 

so in order to interpret properly the numerous as .ra ^ 
inscriptions, hailing from the northern districts o' - a 
country. Epigraphical sources have been primari y 
upon, but at every step an effort has been made to^ow o 
far the realities of the situation, as disclosed by t einscrip 
tions, confirm, modify or contradict the picture base upon 
the Smrtis and Puranas. As social and religious cus oms 
and institutions do not change suddenly, the imormation in 
this part is in some cases supplemented by the data supp le 
by the 7th and the 1 1th century inscriptions also. 

The reader will thus find in this work not only Ae 
pxilitical history of the times, but also the religicws, socia , 
economic, literary and administrative history of the age. 
Unlike most of the books on the subject of Ancient Indian 
Histoiy. he will find here equal attention given to the cultural 
as well as to the political history. A perusal of the book wE 
show that there hardly exists any work at present, whfch 
offers so complete and comprehensive a study of any period 
in Ancient Indian History. 

The main sources of the bocJt are the inscriptions of the 
Rashtrakutas, ihrir contemporaries, and their immediate 
predecessors and successors. These are supplemented by 
the accounts of the Arabic travellers and the valuable boA of 
Alfa^uni. Contemporary works like Somadeva’s Yas'adihka 

and NUwakyamria, Pampas Vikrarnarjunamjaya and later 
Smitis and PuraQas have also been utilised. Later tfavel- 
. lers like Marco Polo, Ibn Batuta, Bernier and Tavernier 
have also been consulted with a view to see whether they 
■could throw any light on our period. 

For the purpose of Parts If and I!I, I have thoroughly 
studied the whole of the Dharmas astra, Nlimasfra, and 
Arikasasfra literature, and the relevant portions from the 
Puraijas and the later Nibandhas. My principal aim is to 
find out how far the epigraphical data confirm, modify or 
contradict the conclusions based upon the theoretical works 
on tli«>rs^bject. 

In Part in the aim is merely to describe the social/ 

, religious and economic conditions of our period. No attempt 
is made to account for the changes that we witness taking 
place at this time. To a student of the Dliarmas'astra 
literature, the temptation to initiate this enquiry is almost 
'irresistible, but that would have been beyond the scope of 
the present work and would have unnecessarily increased its 
' size. I hope to write in course of time a few monographs 
on the origin, development and history of the various socio- 
religious institutions of the Hindus. The first of these, 
dealing with the history and development of Education in 
Ancient India, has been just published. 

In conclusion I would like to offer my hearty thanks 
to the Oriental Book Agency and its enterprising manager 
Dn N. G. Sardesai for 'undertaking the publication of this 
work, and to Mr. S* R. Sardesai, the manager of the 
Samarth Bharat Press, for printing it neatly, 

Benares Hindu University, 

February 20, 1934. 


A, S. Aitekar 

Transliteration ••• ii 

Preface — *.# li 

Abbreomtions *.* *.« .•* viii 

PART I- — Political History 
Chapter I, Early Rashtrakuta Rulers* Their Slock, 

** Home and Relations with the Prede- 
cessors of Dantidurga.** ! 

Chapter II, The Rise of the Rashtrahutas; Inclra !, 

Dantidurga and Krshna I .#* 29 

Chapter III, The Empire at its Zenith — 48 

Chapter IV^ Amoghavarsha I and the Gujarat Branch 71 

Chapter ' V, From Krshna I! to Govinda IV ... 90 

Chapter VL Last Four Rulers ... IH 

PART II — A Comparative Study in the Rashtrakufa 

Chapter VIl, Political Divisions ... ... 135 

Chapter VIII, Central Government : King and Ministry 130 
Chapter IX, Provincial, District, Divisional and 

Town Government ... ..<* 173' 

Chapter X, Village Government ... iSS 

Chapter XI, Revenue and Expenditure ... 212 

Chapter XII, The Military and the Police, and the 

Feudatories ... ... 246' 

PART III — A Comparative Study in the Religious, Social, 
Economic. Literary, and Educational Conditions of the Times 

Chapter XIII, Religious Condition 
Chapter XIV, Social Condition 
Chapter XV, Economic Condition 
Chapter XVI, Education and Literature. 
ChapterXVIl, Conclusion ... 

Eixata and Addenda 
Bibliography ... 

Index ... ■ ... , * 









A S. R. 

A S. S. I. 
A. S. W. I. 


B. I-S. M. j. 


1. A 

3. A. S. B. 
j: B. B. R. A. S. 

, j. B. O. R. S. 


3. R. A S. 


Archaeological Survey of India. A:iuuai 
Reports, New Series. 

Archaeological Survey of South India 
Annual Reports. * , 

Archaeological Survey of Western India. 

Annual Reports. 

Bombay Gazetteer. 

journal of the Bharata Itihasa Samsho- 
dhaka Maiidala, Poona (Marathi). 

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. 

Dynasties of the Canarese Districts of the 
Bombay Presidency. 

Epigraphia Camatika. 

Epgraphia Indica. 

Elliot, History of India, 7 vols. 

Indian Antiquary. 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay. 

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research 
Society, Patna. 

Jain- M aharashtri. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Societv , 
London. • 


South Indian Inscriptions. 

Alberuni's India, edited by Sachau. 



- Early Rashtrakuta Rulers, 

Their Stock, Home, and Relations with the 
Predecessors of Danlidurga. 

Before proceeding to narrate the history of the Imperial 
Rashtrakuta dynasty, the historian has to consider a few preli- 
minary but impoitant questions. Who were the RashlraWStas? 
What was their home ? When and how did they first rise into 
political prominence ? Were there any ruling Rashfrakuta 
families before the time of Dantidurga ? These questions 
have to be first considered to clarify the later histosy. We 
shall first discuss the question of the early Rashtrakuta families 
as it will naturally throw considerable light over the remaining 
problems mentioned above. 

Earlier Rishtrakiila Ruling Families.' :■ 

Ancestors of Dantidurga excepted, Abhimanyu of Mana- 
pura, Nannaraja of the Mullai grant and Karkkaraja of the 
Aniroli-Chharoli record are the only Rashtrakuta rulers, 
whose h >use3 are knowm to have flourished earlier than the 
house of Dantidurga. A number of other rulers, however, 
have been considered as belonging to the Rashtrakuta stock 
by some earlier writers; it will be first shown why these views 
are untenable. 

(I) While editing the ^ Kadaba plates^ Hultzsch had 
suggested that Akalavarsha Subhatuhga, mentioned in Merkara 
plates as having flourished in the 5th centuiy A.D., might 
be a Rashtrakuta prince, possibly the father of Indra who, 
according to the Kaulhem plates, was defeated by the early 
!. A., XII, pp. 13#, 


Chalulcya prince . Jayasinha* Akslavarslia Subliatiinga no 
doubt looks like a .Rashtrakuta name, but \vc have to omit this 
king altogether from 'our consideration, as ihe Merkara plates 
have been shown to. be a forgeiy. 

It is no doubt true that a few records of the later Chalukya 
d 3 masty, uijs., the. Kauthem plates of Vihramaditya Ye» 
woor^^^’^ and Nilganda^^^' plates of Vikramadii^^i VI, and Sona- 
vade^®^ and plates of Jajrasinlia refer to a Roslilrakula 

.dynasty said' to have flourished earlier than that of the Chain- 
kyas of Badami* We are toM in these records that after ruling 
for .5p.. generations. at. :''Ayodh 3 ^a, the Chakikyas migrated to the 
'South and ruled .there for '16 generations. Then tfieir glory was 
eclipsed .fo.r a time owing to the ascendancj’^ of the Raslitraku|as. 
But soon there arose the valiant Ja^^asinha, who conquered the 
RashlTakuta king Indi'a, the son of Kishna, and reestablished 
the fortunes of his family. If this version of history be true, 
no doubt we have -evidence for the existence of a Rashfrakula 
dynasty, ruling prior to c. 500 A.D., somewhere in central 
Maharashtra or northern KarnMaL Bui there is ample evi- 
dence to show that the defeat of the Rashlrakulas, attributed 
in these records, to Jaj^asinha, is not based upon any reliable 
tradition. In the- first place, the records in question are full of 
mythological details; a Chalukya djmasty ruling for 59 genera- 
tions at Ayodhya is not known to sober history. The most 
conclusive reason, however, for ignoring the theoiy^ that 
Jayasinha had really defeated a Rashtrakuta king Indra in 
c. 500 A.D., is the fact that not a single record of the early 
Chaiukyas of Badami refers to this incident. This silence will 
appear the more significant when we remember that the 
Chalukya records mention a number of petty rulers like the 
Kadambas, the Maury as, the Nalas etc,, who were supplanted 
by the early rulers of the dynasty. It is inexplicable why 

3. i. A., XVI. pp. 15i If. 4. L A,, VIII. pp. U fL 

5. E. L. XIII, pp. 12 If. , 6. B. I. S, M. J., X. pp. 87 (1 



the Cliaiiikya rulers of Badam! should have conspired to 
condemn to oblivion the most significant achievement of 
Jayasinha, whom they were claiming as the founder of tiieir 
dynasty. Fleet’s theory in this respect appears as the most 
plausible one; the defeat of RashtrakOt^ Indra, son of Krshna, 
attributed to Jayasinha in c. 500 A.D., is probably due to the 
fact that the historians of the later Chalukyas, like some of their 
present-day successors, believed that history" repeats Itself. 
They knew that Taila II, the founder of the later ChrtiiilQ'a 
empire, had defeated Rashtrakuta king, Indra IV, the (grand-) 
son of Krskna III; they atlribuied -an exactly .similar fe^- -lo, 
the founder of the early Chalukya d 3 masiy as ■ well. ■ Goins of' 
a king Krshna have been discovered in the Centra! Provinces 
which seem to belong to a fairly early date. But there is 
nothing: to connect the king Krshna of the coins v^^ith Krshna, " 
the father of Indra, said to have been defeated by Jayasinha* : 
The Krshna of the coins may be perhaps the Kaiachuri ruler ’ 
Krshnaraja, whose grandson Budharaja was defeated . by - 

(2) Fleet had suggested that king Attivarman, mentioned . 
in a grant hailing from Guntur district may probably have 
been a Rashtrakuta prince This suggestion also is to be 
ruled out of order, because there is hardly anything to support 
it. The provenance and the characters of the grant show that 
it is very probably a Pallava record. The mythological des- 
cent from Hiranyagarbha, which Attivarman claims, would 
also suggest that he was a Pallava, rather than a Rashtrakuta 
ruler. Rashtrakuta rulers of no branch whatever make any 
mention of Anandamaharshi with whom Attivaniaan claims 
to be connected. The only ground for suggesting that 
.Attivarman may have been a Rashtrakuta is the expression 
Kandharanrpatikulo(Ibkufena\ nsed with reference to Atti- 
^ varman. But this expression ' is . hardly sufficient to prove 

a’ E.L, V. p.295. ^ 9. I. A., IX. p. 102. , . ' 

of the Oanares^e ButricUf p, 33i, . 

predecessors of 'DANTIDURGA 

that Attivarman was a Rashlrakuta prince; for the name 
fehna is used by several non-Rashtrakuta rulers as well, 
the Canarese apabhransa of Kvshna is kannara an 

““ 'S"“¥£'Kom.HJingam graa. ot Ravidatta <"• mentions 

that the founder of the grantors dynasty was- a king calle 

Shrmitmam Hul.sseh had placed *is -"f 
m,dat.d, in lb. 5th e«.tung A.a. and JL ” 

founder's name. Rashtravarman, may suggest Ramaakuta 
oWordlhip o;er Punnadu Visha^a ( modem Salem and 

Coimbtore districts). If this suggestion were to be accepted, 

■ would follow that there was a Rashtrakuta kngdom m ^ 
5lh century, which extended right up to Coimbtore. This view 
is however, untenable: the grant has been proved to be a 
forgery probably ofabout the 9 th centm-y A.D.; and_^’en 

nfwere genuine, the mere occurrence of the term ms/i fra 

in the founder's name, Rashtravarman. is hardly sufficient 

prove that he was a feudatory of the Rashtrakutas. 

Having shown how a number of records, which were re- 

the previous writers as possible sources ol 

information about earlier Rashtrakuta rulers, do not sup^y 

information in that connection, I propose to discuss the 
information we possess about Abhimanyu, Nannaraja and 
Karkkaraja, whom their records expressly describe as 
Rashu-akutas. Let us see whether any of these rulers can be 
ected with the predecessors of Dantidurga. 

The earliest of these rulers is king Abhimanyu, one of 
describes his great-grand-father Manafska as 
the most prominent among the Rashtrakutas. Manmka s son 
Devaraja, and grand-son Bhavishya, and the grantor 
Abhimanyu was a son of the latter. Unfortunately the grmt 
is not dated, nor is its findspot known. On palaeographi- 
grounds we can place it in the 7th century A.D. , About 

12, E. L» I, p. S, 

XVIII. p. 366. 
pp. 163 


'.the locality ' of the territory over . which Abhimanyu was 
we' cao' get some idea from' the statement in the plates tliat 
Ee.'ivas gracing Manapora by his presence, when he made the 
grant of village' Undivatika to the Siva temple at Pethapah- 
gmdha, which is recorded in the charter. Dr. Bhagwanlal*s view 
that Manapura is the same as- Manyakheta or modem Ma!- 
khed^^^^ has reiectedr'for, if the later Rashtraliiita capital 
was really known as Manapura in the 7th century, it is difficult 
to understand ' why the epithet pura of .Manapura should have 
been changed into kheia, especially ■ since this change was 
calculated to belittle the importance of the place. For, pura 
denotes, a city or a capital, while kheia is used . only in,^ con- 
nection with smalF towns. Further,: it must be remembered 
that Abhimanyu and his ancestors were petty rulers, and if we 
identify their Manapura with Malkhed, the Ir dominions, w e 
shall^have to suppose, were vei-y extensive* For, Paiigarika, 
the Siva temple of which received the grant, has been id#nti* 
fied by Hultzsch*'^'^’ and Fleet^^^^ with Pagara, 4 miles north 
of Panchmarhi in Houshangabad. district. C, P., and- Usidi’^a* 
tika, the village given, "with one of. the villages called 
Oontia in the same locality. Abhimanyu would thus be ruling 
over a kingdom at least 400 miles in length, which would 
hardly have- been the case,, since such' a kingdom in the-: 7tli, 
century would have cut across the dominions of the early 
ChMukyas. Fleet’s suggestion that Manapura, which was’ 
probably founded by Manuka, may be Manapura in Malva, 
the chief town of Manapura sub-division, 12 miles southwest 
of Mhow, seems more probable, for it is only about 100 miles 
west of the village granted. 

The Rashtrakuta house of Abhimanyu was thus ruling 
over the Mhow- Houshangabad tract in Central India. 'The 
question whether it can be connected with the house of Danti- 
durga cannot be settled at present The seal of the grant of 

, ...-fl. j.B. B.R. A. S., XVI, p.m ■ 13. E. I., VIII, p, le. 

16. L A,, XXX, p. 503, 



Abhimanyu is lion, whereas that of the Rashirakutas of 
Malkhed is either Siva or Eagle. Nor is there any similarity 
in the "names of the. members of the two. , families. The 
territory over which Abhimanyu was ruling 'was, however, 
immediately to "the north of .the kingdom of 'the Rashlrakuta 
king Nannaraja,:who.wa.s, -as. will .be". .presently, shown, very 
probably either. 'a direct or a collateral ancestor of Dantidurga. 
Since on palaeographical grounds," the" grant of Abhimanyu can 
be placed in the middle of the 7th century, Manauka, Devaraja, 
Bhavishya and Abhimanyu become the contemporaries, as 
will be shown below, of Durgaraja, Gavindaraja, Svamikaraja 
and Nannaraj a respectively of the Tivarkhed and Multai plates. 
The kingdoms of these Rashtrakuta families were also 
contiguous to each other. It is not unlikely that the two 
houses may have been connected with each other by blood 
relationship; but definite evidence to establish such connection 
is Still wanting. 

The next definite mention of Rashtrakuta kings is to be 
seen in the Tivarkhed and Multai plates. The name of the 
grantor of the Multai plates has been read by Fleet as Nanda- 
but an examination of the facsimile published by him 
makes it absolutely certain that the name of the king is Nanna- 
raja and not Nandaraja, Fleet has mistaken the partially 
faint lower na for da; a comparison of this letter with nda in 
il. 2 and 6 will show’' clearly that the letter in question is nna 
and not nda. 

If we compare the genealogies in the Tivarkhed and 
Multai plates, we shall find that they are absolutely identical. 
In both the plates the grantor is Nannaraja and his father, 
grand -father and great -grand -father are Svamikaraja, Govin- 
daraja and Durgaraja respectively. But the Tivarkhed plates 
were issued by Nannaraja in Saka 553 or in 63l"’2 A.D. (^^), 
whereas the Multai plates purport to be issued by the same 
ruler in S aka 631 or 709“7!0 A.D. If Fleet’s reading in the 
17. L A., XVin, pp.230ff. 18, E. L, Xl, pp. 276 £E ^ 



Multai plates were rorrect, it was possible to argue that 
Nandaraja was a younger brother of Nannaraja'and, therefore, 
'*niay have been on the throne even .78 ■ years later than the^ 
eider brother. But it is shown above that the grantor of 
the plates in question is Nannaraja, and not Nandaraja, 
and therefore identicai with the ruler who had issued the 
Tivarkhed plates. In his grant issued in 631*-2 A.D., 
Nannaraja claims that unlike ■ his- ancestors, he was a ruler 
entitled to the dignity of the panchamahas ahda, which he had 
personally won. He must be at least 25 at' this time; could he 
be then still on the throne 78 years later? We have got the case 
of Nizam-uhMuik, who died when he was i04; so this 2 S not 
impossible. But we must confess that such a long reign, as 
distinguished from life, is very rare, and it is therefore almost 
certain that the date of one of the two records is wrong. 

There are good grounds to hold that the date 709-10 A.D. 
supplied hy the Multai plates* may not be genuine. The 
genealogy of the Multai plates starts in verse, but after the 
first verse there is a sudden brealc A sentence in prose fol- 
lows but the concluding portion of it, tasyatmavanaimajo, is 
again the fragment of a verse. The record, therefore, does not 
seem to be genuine, at least it is not carefully drafted or 
copied; and the date it supplies to us may not be genuine. 

The genealogy of this Rashtrakuta house, as we gather it 
from these two records, is as follows: — 

( 1 ) Durgaraja. 


(2) Govindaraja, son of No. L 

(3) Svtoikaraja, son of No. 2. 

(4) Nannaraja Yudhasura, son of No. 3. 

Known dates, 631-2 A.D. and 709-10 A.D. (?) 

Since the- reign of Nannaraja commenced earlier than 631 A.D., 
we<TOay assign his predecessors to the following periods* 
,jLSsumipg an average reign of 20 years. 



Durgaraja 570~590 A.D* 

Govindaraja 590-610 A.D. 

Svamikaraja 610-630 A.D. 

Nannaraja, known dates, 631 A.D. and 710 A.D. (?) 

Can we establish any connection between the Rasli|ra- 
■kutas of the Tivarkhed and Multai records with the predeces r 
sors of Dantidurga? It may be at once admitted' that direct 
evidence to connect the two houses is not yet forthcoming: but 
the available data make it extremely probable that Dantidurga 
was either a direct or a collateral descendant of Nannaraja of 
the Tivarkhed and Multai records. The seal of the two plates 
issued by him is Garuda or Eagle, which was also the seal of 
Dantidui-ga and his descendants. The names of Nannaraja and 
his ancestors are either similar to, or identical with, the names 
of many of the predecessors and successors of Dantidurga. 
One of the latter’s uncles, who was probably a younger 
brother of Krshna I, and was governing the territory round 
Daulatabad in 793 A.D. was Nannaraja. The formation 
of the name Svamikaraja is similar to the biruda Prchhaka- 
raja which was borne by Indra^'^'^^ Govindaraja, the name 
of Nannaraja s grand-father, is repeated four limes in the main 
Rashtrakuta line ruling at Malkhed, and once in the Gujrat 
branch. .The great-grand-father of Nannaraja was Durgaraja and 
his name may have paved the way of the formation of the name 
Dantidurga. This close similarity in the names of the mem- 
bers of the two houses can hardly be explained, except on the 
assumption thi^t the two families were connected with each 
other, indra, Karka, Govinda, Dhruva, Akalavarsha Subha- 
tuhga, Akalavarsha Krshna and Dantivarman were the names 
of the different rulers in the Gujrat Rashtrakuta branch, whose 
blood relationship with the house of Malkhed cannot be doubt- 
ed; and all these names are repetitions of the names of the 
earlier rulers of the main line. The names of four out of five 
rulers of the Gujrat branch of the Chalukyas, vis. the ^wo 
19. E. L, IX, pp. 195 H. 20. E. I., XVllI, p. 235. 



Jayasinhavarmans, Vinayaditya, Mangalarasa and Avanijmms* 
raya Pulakesin are borrowed from those of the main Cha* 
lukya line. If the names of Nannaraja and liis ancestors are 
identical with or similar to those of the predecessors and 
successors of Dantidurga, the presumption is possible 
that there was a close family connection between the two 
houses." ■ 

. It will be presently shown that . the early exploits of 
Dantidurga and his father, Indra,- e. the latter' s feat , of 
carrying away by force ( rakshasa vivaha ) a Chaiukya prin- 
cess from Kaira, Dantidurga’s occupation, at the beginning of 
his career, of Gujrat and northern Maharashtra and the defeat 
of the kings of Sindh, Malva and Kos'ala, would indicate 
that the family must have been ruling in the feudatory capacity 
somewhere in the c entral or wes t ern port ion of Central Indi a , , 
prior to the ris e of Dantidurga in c. 745 A .D. XX^e learn from, 
the Tivarkhed and the Mullai grants, that Nannaraia was also , 
ruling in a portion of the territory above indicated. The Tivar- 
khed plates , were issued from Achalapura, which is the 
s-ame as Elichpur in Berar ; Tivarkhed itself was granted', ■ 
away by the charier, and it is only 35 miles from Elichpur, 
The villages referred to in the Multsd plates have not yet been 
identified, but Multai, where the plates were discovered, is 
only about 20 miles from Tivarkhed. Nannaraja and his an- 
cestors were ruling in Berar and their capital was probably at 
Elichpur. The exploits of Dantidurga also can best be ex- 
plained if we assume that his patrimony was somewhere in 
Berar. This province occupies a central position with refe- 
rence to Kaira, Ujjain, Sirpur and Satara, where we know that 
his forces were operating at the beginning of his career.'*' 

And finally, the known chronology of the two houses does 
not only not go against the proposed connection between them 
but does support it. Assuming an average reign of 20 years 
{exc^t where the succession was not from father to son), and 
^ ^ * See tRe a<ljommg map. 



working back from the known dates of Krslina !, we get the 
following genealogical and chronological table:— 

(1) Durgaraja, c. 570-590 A.D. 

(2) Govindaraja, son of No. 1, c. 590“610 AX\ 

(3) Svamikaraja, son of No. 2, c. 510-’630 A. Do 

(4j . Nannaraja Yudhasura, son. of No. 3 , c. 630 * 650 ' A. D.: , 

Known dates, 631 A.D. and (?)' 709 A.D. . • 

(5) Dantivarman, probably son of No. 4, 650 ”670 A.D. 

(6) Indra Prchhakaraja, son of No. 5, c. 670 •*690 A.D. 

(7) Govindaraja, son of No. 6, c. 690*710 A.D. 

(8) Karka I, son of No, 7, c. 710“’730 A.D. 

(9) Indra f, son of No. 8, c. 730~745 A.D. 

(10) Dantidurga, son of No. 9, c. 745*756 A.D. 

Known dale, 754 A.D. 

. (11) Kvshaa !, uncle of No. 10, c. 756-775 A.D. 

Known dates, 758, 768 and 772 A.D. 

N, B. — In the case of Indra I and his son Dantidurga,. 
a reign of 15 years only has been assumed, as Nanna Gun^* 
valoka, a younger brother of Indra I, was still alive in 792 
A.D., as the D aulata bad plates show 

If we reject the date 709 A.D., supplied by the Multai 
plates, as not genuine, it will appear very probable that 
Nannaraja was the predecessor, and veiy likely the father, of 
Dantivarman, the earliest known ancestor of Dantidurga. If. 
on the other hand, that date has to be accepted as genuine, the 
probability would be that Dantivarman was a younger brother 
of Nannaraja Yudhasura, ruling somewhere in Khandesh, over 
part of the dominions of his elder brother. Nannaraja may 
have had no sons, or they and their descendants may have 
been eclipsed altogether by the successors of Dantivarman. 

To sum up, the similarity and identity of the names of the 
members of the two families, the close contiguity of the places 
where they were ruling, the identity of the seal design, and 
the striking manner in which the known dates of the roeitibers 



©f the two families can he worked up into a rnutueilly adjust* 
ing chronological and genealogical table.-'ali these make it 
extremeh^ probable* if not almost certain, that the ancesiors of 
Dantidurga were ruling somewhere in Berar, and were either 
the direct or collateral descendants of the Rashtrakufa king 
Nannaraja Yudhasura, who w^as ruling at Elichpur in Berar in 
the middle of the 7th centurj^^' A.D. 

There remains to be considered the Rashtral^ufa ianiily 
disclosed by the Anlroli-Chharoli plates of Karkaraja If* dated 
757 The following genealog^^ is supplied by the 


(1) Karkaraja !, c. 690-710 4 .D. 

(2) Dhruva, son of No. 1, c. 710-730 A.D. 

(3) Goviiida, son of No. 2, c. 730-750 A.D. 

(4) Karka H son of No. 3, c. 750-770 A.D. 

Knowm date 757 A.D. 

From this record we learn that the village of Sthavara.-*: "' 
paliika, z. e. modem Antroli-Chharoli, was granted away .by 
Karka li in 757 A*D. Since Antroli-Chharoli is iO miles to 
the north-east of Surat, and since the donee hailed from 
Jstmbusara in the Bharoch District, it is clear that Karka II 
w^as ruling over Sural and Bharoch districts. It is, how- 
ever, almost certain that the immediate ancestors of Karka II 
were not living in this locality* or if they were doing so they ^ 
were wielding no ruling powers. For, in the earb^ decades 
of the 8ih centur^^ A.D. the districts in question were being 
governed partly by the Gujrat Chalukyas, and partly by the ■ 
Bharoch house of the .Gurjaras. The rule of Karka 11 in | 
southern Gujrat, therefore, must have been of recent origin. I 

The seal of Karka II of the Antroli-Chharoli record is 
the same as that of the main Rashtrakuta branch, mz. eagle;- 
the names of the ancestors of the donor are those, which fre** 
quently figure in the main Rashtrakuta line. Karka II was a 
contemporary of Dantidui’ga and .was -ruling over a portion of' 
22. J. B. B;R. a. S.. XVI. pp. 106 ft 



Lata, which the latter claims to have conqisered. It is there- 
fore quite clear that the house of Karka oiust have been 
closely connected with that of Dantidurga, but what precisely 
that relationship was we do not know. Bhagwanlal Indraji has 
• suggested^®^^ 'that Dhruva of the Antroli-Chharoli record may 
' be assumed to be another brother 'of Indra I, the father of 
Dantidurga. On this hypothesis the genealogy of the 
'line with known dates will be as under:- 

Karka I 



i. ■■ 


Indra I 

1 “ 
754 A.D.' 

Krshna I 

758, 768 and *772 A. D. 

793 A.D. 

Karka II 
757 AD. 

There is nothing impossible in the above genealogy and 
'■chronology. Nanna, the youngest brother of Karka I, we may 
-assume, was born in c. 715 A.D. and Dhruva,- his eldest 
brother, ' may have been his senior by about 20 years. 
Ohruva^s son Govinda may have been born in c. 715 A.D. and 
•his grandson Karka II, in c. 735 A.D. Indra may have been two 
, years younger than Dhruva, and his son Dantidurga may 
'have been born in c 720 AD. Indra seems to have been the 
most ambitious of the four brothers and his son Dantidurga 
■may liave begun his military career in c. 745 AD. when lie 
was only about 25. Shiyaji and Babar are known to have 
■begun their careers at even an earlier age. Dantidurga’ s 
nephew may have actively assisted him in his conquests when 
he was only a youth of 20 ; the uncle may have rewarded the 
services of the nephew by appointing him the governor over 
•the newly conquered province of Lata. After the -death of 
^Dantidurga in c- 760 A.D. Krshna, his eldest surviving uncle, 
‘may have succeeded him, being the most senior member of 
23. J.B.B. R. A.S.. XVI. pp. i06ff. 


the ■ houses ' The drawback in ' this ■■ theory is the necessity of ^ 
■assuming that Dhruva, Govinda and Karka I! were, all of them» 
the ' eldest sons of their parents, and even after .making this, 
assumption we find that Karka I! has to be assumed' to have 
joined his uiicle, when he was onb^ just a boy of 18 or 20, It 
is also difficult to understand why youth of about 20 should 
have been preferred by, Dantidurga for the Gujrai viceroj^alty- 
.to his two mature, uncles. ' . 

.Re.cently Dr D, R. Bhandarkar has tentatively advanced 
the view that Karka. 11 and his father Govinda of the 
Aniroii-Chhamli record may be identified with Karka and 
Govinda, father and grand-father respectively of the Indra I 
of the main Rashtrakuta house. He points out that the 
genuineness of the Samangad plates of Dantidurga is not 
above suspicion and therefore we may ignore the date 754 A.D., 
supplied by this record for Dantidurga. 

This view also is not free from difficulties. If Karka and 
his father Govinda of the Antroli-Chharoli record are to be 
identified with the father and grand-father of Krslina I of the 
main line, Dhruva and Karka I of the former record will have 
to be identified with Indra I and Dantivarnian of the main 
house. We shall have to assume that eilher Dhruva and 
Karka were the ifruc/as of Indra ! and Dantivarman or vice- 
Versa. Rashtrakuta kings have used several birudas, but there 
is not a single instance of any of the names Dhruva, Karka^ 
Indra or Dantivarman being used as a hiruda. So far these 
names have been known only as personal names. 

In the second place the known dates of Dant idurg a and 
Kishna I militate against this view. Even supposin,^ *it; to 
be proved that the Samangad record is a later forgery, the 
chronological difficulties involved in this theory are not solved. 
The new plates published by the Bharata Itihasa Samsho*^ 
dhaka Mandala now supply 758 A.D. as the earliest date for 
Kphi^a I, and if we accept 757 A.D. as the dale of Dantidurga a 
'24, E. L. XVni, p. 238. 25. B. L S. M. J., VIII, pp. 10-^, 



grandfather Karka, the reigns of Danticiurga and Fiis father 
Indra will have to crammed in the incredibly short space 
of about a year! The reigns of both these rulers were event- 
ful; Indra I had come into hostile contact with the Gujr^t 
Chaluhyas, and Dantidurga had in the course of a brilliant 
career defeated the kings of Malva, Sindh* Kosala, Lata and 
Sris'aiia, besides annexing the northern dominions of the early 
Chalukyas. How could all this be achieved in the course of a 
single year? Even if we assume that Indra had predeceased 
his father, the difficulty would not be got over, for one year is 
too short a period for the achievements of Dantidurga. 

A third possible view in this connection is to regard 
Karka 1 of the Antroli-Chharoli record as a younger brother of 
Indra Prchhakaraja of the main line, and to make his descend- 
ants Dhruva, Govinda and Karka !I contemporary cousins of 
Govinda, Karka and Indra of the main line. This view pre- 
sents no chronological difficulties like those in the first two 
theories; Karka II, according to this theory, becomes an elder 
contemporary of Dantidurga and he may quite possibly have 
rendered him valuable assistance in his military plans, in re- 
turn for which Dantidurga may have appointed him his deputy 
in southern Gujrat. It must, however, be admitted that the 
assumption that Karka I was a younger brother of Indra I is 
based upon mere conjecture. It has to be confessed that the 
precise relation of the main line with the Rashtrakutas of the 
Anlroli-Chharoli record still remains to be discovered. That 
the two houses were related in some way is fairK- certain; the 
ill "behaved relative, whom Krshna I ousted soon after his 
accession, was very probably either Karka I! or his successor. 

The Naravana plates of Vikramaditya II, dated Saka 664, 
.( January 743 A.D. ) state that the village Naravana in 
‘Ghiplun taluka of Ratnagiri district was given to certain Brah- 
manas by that ChMukya king at the request of Rashtrakula 
•"^Govindaraja, son of Sivaraja. The charter was issued when the 
- 26 . B.LS, M. j., X, pp,9fE 


"king was encamped: at "Adityavadka; ■■or.Aiiodern., Aitavade':::iri 
Satara district, . ' It is net' possible : to ' connect this' .RasMtraku.ta 
Govindaraja either wilb the' main line or with the ancestors: of , 
Karka I! of the,, Antroli-Chhamli ' records ' He ;CaB.not :;'^b^ 
G.ovinda of the main, line, for the latter was great -grand-father, 
of Danlidurga and he could not "have. ..been possibly alive in 
743 A, D., when the Naravana plates were' isstiecl.' 'Nor :ean,. 
•we identify him with Govinda, the .father' of 'Karka II '.of the 
Anlroli-Cliiiaroli record.. , It is true- that no' chronological diffi,,- 
cuity arises in connection with- 'this. ■ identification.; for the' 
.known date of Karka 11 , nzk..- 757- A.D., - fits in well , Vvith; the 
known date of Govinda of the Naravana plates, viz, 743 A.D. 
The father of Govindaraja may have been an officer under 
Vikramaditya II in northern Konkan and his son may have 
carved out a principality in southern Gujrai at the downfall of 
the Chaiukyas. There is, however, an almost fatal obiection, 
to this view; the father of- Govindaraja of. the Naravana 
■plates is Sivaraja, whereas 'that of Govindaraja of the Antroli- 
Chharoli record is Dhruvaraja. There is no evidence so- far 
forthcoming to indicate that either Dhruvaraja or Sivaraja was 
ever used as a forada, by the Rashtrakutas. It may be also 
pointed out that Govindaraja of the Antroli-Chharoli record was 
using feudatory titles, whereas Govindaraja of the Naravana 
plates has not even the title of a Sumanta. The latter was 
probably a mere district officer ruling over some portions, either 
of Satara or of Ratnagiri district. It is, therefore, veiy likely 
that he was in no way connected with the Rashtralcota family 
that later ousted the Chaiukyas. 

\ Having indicated the probable relationship of the main 
Rashtrakuta line with earlier and contemporary Rashtrakuia 
ruling families, let us now consider the question of the stock 
and nationality of the house of Dantidurga. We may refer 
only very briefiy to mythological or semi- mythological views 
in lUs connection. Later Rashtrakuta records claim ■that the 
dynasty was descended from the race of Yadu* Bhagw^nlal 



Indraii had conjectured that this theory was started in c. 930 
A.D., to explain the change injh&iikem^ 
seal from lion to eagl^jwbicius Yish^ Ihis 
suggestroSThowever. is not happy: lion was the emblem of the 
Rashtrakutas of Manapura and not of MalkheA The seal- 
emblems on the early Rashtekuta records the A as plates 
of Yuvamja Govinda. the Paithan plates of Govmda III, are of 
Garuda or eagle. , On some of the later records the emblem 
is that of seated Siva but the lion emblem ligui-es nowhere. 

The earliest date, now known, when the Rashtrakutas are 

1 • • J is 87i A.D.» when the baofan 

seen claiming descent from Yadu 

plates were issued. 63yeaii> eaiiiei, , , TU^ 

tala, had nat even dreamt of claiming this decent,i plates of Govinda Hi. dated 808 A.D., whle 
referring to the birth of that monarch, observe that when he 

came on the horizon the R-ashtrakuta race became mvincible 

like the race of the Yadus when Muran was born in ib 
It is fairly certain that the birth of Govinda III 
kuta family would not have been compared to that of Krshpa 
in the Yadu race, if the Rashtrakutas had at that time thougi 
of claiming connection with it by descent. It is probably the 
simile in this verse. which sugg^ted to t^ later ^ J 

poets the idea of claiming a descent from the "t adus, ^ 

since it seems fairly probable, from the seal ^^^ejn o the 
eagle, that the earlier rulers were, like the Imperial Guptas, 

Vaishnavas. r». t i - 

/ R. G. Bhandarkar had suggested that the Rashtrakutas 

/'had probably sprung f rom 

! nameof Tuhga‘^®b sincelntKeKSrirad and Decdtplat^ 

' it is stated that the family had its oiigin rom 

27. L A., XI. pp. 157 ff. . ^ « 

28. Cf . Yasmin sarvagu^as'raye ksLitipatau S'ri-Rashtrakutanvayel 

jSte Yadavavans'avanmadhuripau SsMalangliyali parwh 11 

29. E. L IV, pp, 278 30, E. I., V, pp. 192 it 

Hi. H. G.. III. 


a kiag named Tunga. The above plates, however, mention m 
the immediately next line.,£atia.asA. .descendant or perhaps 
a s on of Tonga, and observe that the RashtrakutaTaini^^ was 
known afterTiirn, Both Tunga and Ratta are imaginaiy rather 
than real rulers, and even if we suppose that the family was 
descended from them, we find ourselves in no better position 
about the solution of the question of the stock and the original 
home of the Rashtrakutas. 

■ Fie^t has suggested that since^the names Rathor 'anci 
Rathod are to bc' derived from the term Rashtrahuta, we : may 
connect the Rashtrakutas with the Raj pu tana- Kanauj coun- 
try, which seems to be the original habitat of the Rathor clans 
of the Rajputs, But the Rathors come to our notice much 
later than the southern Rashtrakuta families, and it is quite 
pDSsible that the Rajput Rathors may be the descendants ef 
some ^ members of the Deccan Rashtrakuta families, left ■ 
behind in northern India during the northern campaigns of 
Dhruva Govinda III, Indra III and Krshna ill. 

Burnell was inclined to hold that the Malkhed Rashtra 
katas were Telgus and were of the same stock as the Reddies 
of the Andhra land/'^'^^ This vie w, however, does not bear close 
scrutiny. The Reddies are at present scattered even over Tamil 
country and north-eastern portions of, Mysore State; but thde 
original home and present stronghold is the Andhra countty 
The Reddies of M5^sore are undoubtedly of Telgu origin/^'^’ 
and those, in Tamil districts still speak a broken Telgu dialect, 
which clearly proves their northern origin. If we suppose . that 
the Rashirakutas were the ancestors of the modem Reddies, 
their original home will have to be located somewhere . in the 
.Krishna- Godavari doab. In that case it is reasonable tq eX' 
pect that they would have first come into prominence in . thist, 
locality# ■ As it is, not only did the, Rashtrakuta expansion not. 

32. G. L ii,- p. 384. ■ ■ ' . ^ ^ . 

33. South I'ndian Falaeographi^t pAOi .jz 

34. - Imjpm’al XVill, p. 19L ■ 'l. 

.. ' ' ■ 



litegin from the Telgu-speaking area, hut most of it was never 
jj»luided in the Rashtrakuta dominions. The Chaiukya rulers 
.overthrown by them were those of the main and the Gujrat lines. 
The Vengi kings continued to defy them down to their fail. 
The mother-tongue of the Rashtrakutas was Canarese and not 
Telgu, as will be presently shown. The Reddies were a class 
of traders and cultivators and they are not known to have dis- 
tinguished themselves by military exploits in any period of 
ancient Indian history. It is but once that they are known to 
have founded a kingdom, and that was after the fall of the 
Ganapatis of Warangal, when for about a century, c. 1350- 
.1450 A. D., they were holding portions of Krishna and Raj- 
mahendri districts. The change of Rashtra into Radda or 
Reddies is also not possible in the Telgu dialect, though it can 
take’ place in the Tamil one.'*®’ Under these circumstances it 
is not possible to identify the Rashtrakutas with the ances- 
tors of modern Reddies. 

C/S^mdya^holdsih^ of Malkhed 

were a MarShbspeaking family, and" were the ancestors of 
the modem Marathas.'*®’ This view also seems to be unten- 
able, for it can be shown that the family belonged to the Cana- 
risse stock and its mother-tongue was Canarese. 

., A survey of earlier history is necessary in order to decide 
whether the Rashtraktitas of Malkhed hailed from Maha- 
i^tra or Karnatak. It is as early as the time of A^oka that 
We first hear of the Ralhikas, a term to which we have to 
trace the Rattas and Rashtrakutas of later centuries. There is 
no philological difficulty in postulating this derivation; the name 
is spelt as Ristika at Gimar, Rastika at Shahabazgarhi, and 
Ratraka at Mansera, showing that all these terms are to be 
derived from the Sanskrit term Rashtrika. It is true that 
there is no trace of the sibilant of the original word in the 
terms Rat^ka or Ratta, but the Mansera form Ratraka shows 

35. Ibid. Vn. p. 158. 

36. History of Medieval Hindu India, II p. 249 (Marathi Edition), 


ihm the term Elshtrika'ass.timed a form altogether devoid' of 
any. sibilant ill some;: diaiectSv / As a:Biato fact the form 
Ratraka of Mansera supplies ns the link between Rashfrika 
and Rattika or Ratta. ^ Pischel besides quotes several cases 
of a Sanskrit shia becoming a simple in Prakrits. Cf. , 

Skt Iska; ■ - . , Me. J. M.:and Ao,^^^ 

. Skt Aushtrika;:' : -M:. -Uttiya. 

Skt. Sandashta; .■ ■ M. ,Sandatta. ' 

It will be seen that this tendency to change the original 
shia into tfa IS lO' be mainly seen, in the Maharashtri' ■ and 
Jaina-Maharashtrl, and it is. precisely in 'the south,; where 
these dialects, were, spoken , that we find the change of original 
Rashtrika into Ratta. 

In my opinion the vari-ous Ratta or . ; Ra sh{mku|a' famil ies 

of our period iv^'elhe^d Scehdahts.- ^T’some^f : the Rath ika: 

familieCthat'^^re l^^ over small : tracts in the fetidatoiy 
capacity since the iinie-..oLA4aha. 

Rathikas as westerners, .but they also associate th^ with the- 
Bhoiahas,~'i/$ich wiO'sEdw 'tEj^they were occupying portions 
of MahaJ^itra'and" Berar" as' to 

them is m'lhe Nanaghat ihscKpiiomof .Queen Nayanika, where ■ 
we learn that she was the. 'daughter: "of - -Maharathi Tranaka-; 
yira, whose statue was- erected by the -side of his ' daughter al , 
Nanaghat* • ■ There existed at this time- numerous feudatory 
rulers known as ' -In -connection -with the western 

expedition of king Kharav'eia his Khandagiri inscription tells 
us that he carried away ■ the wealth .and crowns of all the 
rathikas and bhojakas. There are two records at Karli^"®^ be* 
longing to a little later period.’ recordmg the benefactions of 
Maharathi Gotiputa Agimitanaka and Maharathi Vasithiputa 
■Somadeva. The latter grants a village which shows that he 
was a ruling chief. A Bhaja record -discloses the existence 
of a Maharathi Vinhudatta, and a Kapheri one, that of a 

S7* * Grummatik der Prakrit^-SprachetK 'Section 304. > 

38. h B. Bi'R. A*.S,, V-,. pp. 15,2-3. -v'’- • 3% mid. p. 62. ' 



Maharathim Nagamulanika^ who was the daughter of: a maha- 
r^a and sister of a mahabhoja. This record again 'shows^ 
like that of king Kharavela,' that mihis mi maharathis were 
feudal chiefs, and not mere generals ■ or local district officers. 

It is usually supposed that the ■ Rathis and Maharathis 
were in power in Maharashtra only, but there is definite * evi- 
dence to show that some of them : were occupying portions of 
Karnafak as welh Lead coins bearing the , legend ‘Sadakaiii* 
Kalalaya-Mahtothi- ’ have been found near Chitaldurga/^^^^ 
These coins belong to the middle of the 3rd century A.D. 
■The Hirahadagalii grant of Oharmamaharajadhiraja •Suva- 
skandavarman^^^^ is addressed, among others, to Rathikas, We 
further find that some of the Maharafhis were closely connect- 
ed with Can^rese families. ■ , The cumulative evidence of two 
Kanheri records shows that Nagamulanika, who was-, married 
to a Maharathi, was the:daughter of Haritiputra Vishnu -kada 
Chutu-Satakarni, who wa^ a Canarese prince ruling at Bana- 
vasi/^^^ Some of the Maharathis were Naga- worshippers ; 
the name of the queen of Satakarni I, Nayanika or Naganika^ 
suggests that her Maharathi father was a Naga-worshipper, 
One of the lion-pillars at Karli was the gift of a Maharathi, 
Agimita-naka or Agnimitra-naga, whose name also shows that 
he was a Naga-worshipper. The donor of one of the Kanheri in- 
scriptions, who was the wife a Maharathi, is NagarnOlaniha 
or Nagamulanika and her . son’s name was Skandanaga. 
One of the inscriptions of her father Vinhu-kada-chutu, dis- 
covered at,'upon a stone slab bearing-. the- represen- 
tation of a five-headed, cobra. , . Naga -worship Was extensively 
practised by the early inhabitants of Mysore/^^‘^^ and since 
some of the Maharathis were Naga.-.worshippers and connected 

40. Rapson. pi 57i Plate VIil, Noi 233, 

41. P.2. . ; ' ■ _ 

' 42. Rapson, Catalogu&/p, LHI. Luders. Li$t, Ko. 1021. ’ 

43, A. S. Wa...V. ■ V. 

44. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from InscripUom^ p* 202. 



by.niarriage with -'Canarese 'familiesv- -we- . 'are jastifieci ' iB:V. 
conciiidmg that Rathis and Maharathis were in power also •in'' 
parts of Kamatak, especially since .coins 'of .Sadakana'.: 
.Kalalaya . Mahara.lhi are discovered in. the' heart ■ of 'Kafnatak 
near 'Chi taldiirga.. In .the face of ■.-these facts it, can no longer', 
be maintained that the ; :,Ra|hi 'and.-Maharathi families were 
confined only to Maharashtra.; ■■■ 

We can now take . np^ .-the ■ question as to whether- the 
Raslitrakatas of Malkhed originally. belonged to Maharashtra 
or Kamatak. We have shown already . how the -main line, - 
that was later estayished:. at Malkhed, has to be connected 
with the RashtrakOta family; ruling, .-at-;. Elichpur. But Danti-. 
durga and his ancestors were -not-, natives, of Berar. Canaresc 1 
was their; modier tongue* .. Jt- was.. 'Canarese and not Maha*. 
rashtn literature that: flourished at their court. Amogha- 
varsha I of the line was either himself the author, or at least 
the inspirer,mf the o!d.est .Canarese .work on poetics. The 
sign -manuals of Karka and, Dhruva-of .-the- Gujrat branch of 
the house in the Naosari' plates of and the Baroda 

grants of and 835,^'^®^;. AvD.; are in the south- Indian 

proto -Caoarese , characiters, .‘.■whereas- ■the ■ records themselves 
are to be seen inscribed in the usual script of the locality of 
the period in question. If the home of the Malkhed Rashlra- 
kutas were in Maharashtra, it is difficult to explain how they 
could be using the script of Karnatak as their mother script 
It is true that much earlier than 812 A.D. the Rashtrakuta 
empire had embraced the whole of Karnatak, but if the 
family had originally belonged to Maharashtra, its members 
deputed to rule over southern .Gujrat could not be seen using 
for their sign-manual .a script that, was current neither in 
southern Gujrat, nor in. , Maharashtra but in Karnatak. The 
fact that the recently published Jura inscription of Krshna HI, 
found in Bundelkhand, should be using the Canarese language 

■' 45r 'See Supra, cKaptejf. XV, ’’ ‘ 46.' J. 'B. B. R. A. S., XX, p. 135, 

to describe his achievements cao also be expiaineci oril 5 '’ on 
the assumption that Canarese was the mother tongue of the 
Rash toko tas of Malkhed; 

The use of the Canarese script and language by the mem- 
bers of the family of Dantidurga is not, however, inconsistent 
with die theory, here advanced for the first time, that Danti:- 
durga’s ancestors were direct or, collateral descendants o,f 
Naanar^'a of Elichpur. • It is shown already how a riuinher of 
Radii families were .long domiciled ifi Kamaiak even before 
the 3rd century A,D*’ . ■■Under the : Chalukyas of Badami, a 
C anarese -speaking dynasty ^ founded in soutiiero Guirdt', 

and another in the Telgu-speaking- Andhm cduntry. The pre- 
decessors of Dantidurga-.may ■similarly have carved a domain 
in Berar away from. their'Karnatak., 

• There is also evidence available- to show that- the home 
of the house of Dantidurga 'vras in a' Canarese-s peaking loca- 
lity. A numbe r of Rishtrakuta rec ords describe the rulers by 
the epithet 

o f tawns. ’ "epltEc^'^ischa^ed into^XilfSIly apum - 

pinitgaia ‘emigrants from Lattalura, the best of towns' in some 
of the records of the Rattas of Saundattid'^^^ Lattalura, to 
which the Rashlrakutas belonged, need not have been neces- 
sarily included wdthin ‘ the - jurisdiction of Nannaraja and his 
ancestors. Manalera,' 'a general of Kislina III, has been 

49. Siinir and Nilgund inscription's Amogliavawha I, I. A , Xli^ 

'' p. 218; and E. !., VI, pV l02. _ ' 

50. J. B, B, R. A., S.. X’ pp; 167 (L in two of tiie Saundatti Ratta 
records Krshna the founder of the house is described as Kkandar%i - 

^JUravaradMs' a. iThis. however, cannot show that Kandimra- 
pura w'as the hoihe of the RSshtrakStas/ since the vast majority 

of records describe them ’m ijaitaiurapurumradhis 'a, ft is 
likely that Kandharapura was only an imagraary city since we 
do not hear of It anywhere efse. If at ’ all it was a real city^, 

^ Krshi?a III alone may have been associated ‘witli it ; it wai noi 
the home of the ■family,'; ■ 

latur was the origin al home 

ao,»«.s : t“ t 

trSoi^ " yX:' 

™y be R«“P" '" R^atata fa™li'' Woae^* “ 

Snttaf ir.dia.°' But later on he himself abandonea this 

"'■wfThaX nale of I pliX^s 

and not Lattanurapuiu. His later view that Lattaltira may be 
f"l. . R„ j„. District of Hyrirabad State seems to be bitting 

the ttath ’ Phonetically the change of Lattalura into Latur 
the tratn. Lattalura, being dropped by 

boXX tho^oSnal form will assume the garb of UtaUra 
P^S- this X will Uer change into LglOra. die of 

*e*double' consonant Ho being compensated by the doublmg 

°' ‘''&XlXM‘’rpho„etieaifficul«-. there is nothing ,b 
stsnd^gXsrtL idenLation of Umtara widi UOr . As 
1 matS of fact all the known facts of histow can W »pl«n- 

ed only on this hypothesis It has been shown already that 

ti Rathis and the M.harathis were «T\TbSr dm 
KarnStak as well, in the early centuries of the Chn^.an |r ^ 
So them may, quite possibly, beoi a R* 
local sway at Laturt which is almost due east of Poona a 
south of Berar. This family may have later ^g'^ted lo t/ 
Elichpur or same other place nearby in Berar, 
mja was ruling in 631-2 A.D, . Elichpur is only about ISO 
miles north of Latur, and the emigration is quite possible. 
And by assuming that Dantidurgas ancestors m Berar were 


immigrants from Latur we ca l 
were using Canarese ’ language if J,ov, a 

Later IS now a Canarese-spealdnc» «■ ^*'°^0‘Canarese 
case during our period; for we lefmT" ^isoT 

wbch was composed in the S f 

^sewas then spoken between thl cl-''''^ A.D.. that 

The ,mm.grant rulers naturally stucf 1^". 

\ Aeir stay in Berl wl language a.j 

the Maratha families IlingrBar^ T ^^’^emhct t 

stdl use their mother longue Id "■ «ntl 
there is nothing impossibfe in "he in Personal mlf' 
rese Rashtrakuta family. ruliLfR^^°®«»«^ that the S ’ 

contiguous to CanaresIStL was 

tongue and script ^ ® Preserved its I 

If W#=!i _ -.S ■sr-., 

exploit wert»,"ST°' '"'‘“"•“T C D 'V . 

india. and nl^ in Gn^ J' » 

Chalufeyas of BadRm; • ■^^^^Qrashti-’a „ i / 


^er hand, wa aaanTfe, A KHahnT, If 

L.„n, „a can 'in 

perfonnad in Central In'S'^’G?’ ""V 'Soits 

53 . 4 g^ ^ »ierely political 


administmtive significaiiceriio^ of ..them was. used ■ id' - demote 
any tmbal -or ethnical, stock R. G. . Bhandarkar- has r argued 
that the name Maharashtra is doe to the province heing'^^ occu- 
pied in' the' early days. by. the- rathis and the maharMhis/^^'^' 
but' with due deference to the views of that learned scholar^ it 
must 'be'’co.nfessed that ■•there is no evidence to show that- the 
mfAfs and''^ the maharathiS" were the names of any- ..tribes, 
Aiyan».' non -Aryan or mixed. M-r. C.- V# Vaidya holds that the 
'Rashl.rahutas'i'epresent the captains of the- Aryan army, .who 
parcelled out the districts' in Maharashtra, among .themselves* 
This view again ignores the presence of the Rashtrakotas in 
Andhra coonliy, and of the 7'athis and the maharathis 
in' Karnatak right upto Chitaldurga. The Naga worship*' which 
prevailed extensively among the rathi and the maharaiki 
families, is surely no argument to prove their Aryan Idrigin, 
We must, therefore, conclude that the facts so far known do 
.not support the view that the Rashtrakotas belonged tO' ^ any 
particular stock, either Aryan or non- Aryan. , = 

A point of minor, importance remains to be' considered, ■ 
what was the real and original name of the RashtrakOta 
family. After an elaborate analysis of the epigraphical evi- 
dence upon the point/ Fleet has come to the conclusion 
that ‘ while Rashtrakuta was the formal appellation which it 
was customary to apply to the kings of Malkhed in ornate lan- 
guage, the real practical form of the family name wa^ Rate.’ 
He then points out that the form Ratta was not derived from the 
form Rashtra or Rashtrakuta, but that the reverse was the case. 

This controversy as to the original form of the word 
R^hfrakuta is partly due to a misunderstanding as to what we 
mean by the term * original- ' Fleet, while maintaining that 
Ratfa was not derived from Rashtra, does not assert that Ra||a 
is a desi or Dra vidian word of non -Aryan parentage. We 
have already pointed out a number of cases, where original 
shfa in Sanskrit becomes simple fta in Maharashtrf and Jain- 
54. B. G., L ii. p. 143. • 55 . E. I.. VI!, pp. 220 If, 



There is, therefore, no phonetic difficiilfey-ia 
deriving the term Ratfa from the Sanskrit term Rashtra or 
Rashtrakuta, As to the question which of these wm the 
original form, the answer will' entirely depend upon what ’ we 
mean by * original k From the 3rd[ centuiy B.C. to about the 
4th century A. D.. Prakrits w'ere usually used for epigraphicai 
purposes, and perhaps for daily intercourse as well. The 
form rafhi was therefore the original or earlier form in vogue, 
when the terms RUshirahuim and Rashtrapaiis began to be 
generally used on the use of Sanskrit becoming common for 
epigraphicai purposes. In this sense Rathi or Raiia is no 
doubt the earlier form, but philologically and historically ihe 
tetm’ Raiia has to be admitted as a derivation Irom and con- 
traction of the term Rashtraku'ta. 

• The Rathis and the Maharathis were, as we have seen 
abo\''e. small local rulers. The Hindu imperial theory and 
practice were generally against the policy of annexation, as 
will be shown in Chapter XII, Section B: the local chiefs were 
often converted into district officers and mce versa, accord- 
ing to the changes in the political situation. The terms 
Rathika, Rashtriya, Rashtrapati and Rashtrakuta were used 
to “denote local chiefs, district officers, and big landlords. 
From the Girnar inscription of Rudradaman we learn that the 
Mauryan governor in Kathiawar was styled Rashtxiya. From 
the Hirahadagalli grant of S'ivaskandavarman we find that 
district officers were known as Ratkikas^^’^^ Numerous 
Vengi records show that the term Rash tiakuta denoted im- 
portant landlords in Andhra country during our period/^^^ 
A ’number of Gurjara and Valabhi plates show that Rashtrapati 
was the title of the district governor. In the recently 
published Naravana plates 'of Vikramadi'tya Gowndarafa,. 


17 ' 

who is- called \Rashtrakuta in ' 'the- record, may have bepi 
either a district, officer or a big landlord, who' wielded a fair 
amount of inf ioenee- with the ' Chalukya emperor." ^ ' ■ 

Whether the Rashtrakutas ■ df Malkhed were originally 
local rulers or district officers or mere landlords is difficult ‘ to 
judge. Many of the Rathis of the 3rd century B.C. must liaye 
been reduced to the position of district governors at the rise of 
the Andhra empire. Some of them must have again become 
^ petty local rulers with the fall of that empire. Their 'Status in ' 
many cases must have been again reduced by the eatdy 
Chalukyas, when they rose to power. With reference to tli^ 
ancestors of Dantidurga we notice that Yudhasura Nannarhji^ 
was the first to claim the Panchamahas bias* His pi^edeces'^ 
sors, therefore, may have been either local officers or mere 
landlords. They rose to power first under Nannaraja, arid 
it is possible that his descendants may have continued to enjoy 
the feudaioiy status, won for the famil 5 '^ by Nannaraja. 

We shall conclude this chapter With a survey of the 
careers of the predecessors of Dantidurga. The earliest of theiri 
known from the records of the Malkhed house is Dantivarman 
who, according to the theory'' here proposed, was either a son 
or a brother of Nannaraja. He is known to us only from the 
Dasavatara cave inscription/®^^ which gives us only a cori- 
ventional account of his bravery and career. It is doubtfoli 
however, whether he was in any way greater than his pre* 
decesso'r, w^ho was proud to announce the fact of his having 
won the Panchamahas ahdas. One of the scions of the Guji^rit 
Rashtrakuta branch, the younger brother of Dhruvar^‘a, w^‘s- 
named after him. The probable time when Dantivaf#v 
man ruled is 650—670 A.D., whether we make the : calculatidri 
from the known date of Dantidurga or of Nannaraja, allowing 
an average of about 20 years per reign. 

The next two membei's of the "fariijly,^ indra alias Pr^ 
chhakaraja and Govinda b are equally, shadowy. They pro«, 
61. A. S. ¥, p. 87^'. '' 62'.. ;E,. VI. pi 285, 



bably ruled fi^om c. 670-^690 A,D. and 690-710 A.D. respectively. 
The Baroda plates of Karkaraja Suvarnavarslia of the Giifrat 
branch, dated 8I2.A.D., inform us that even among gods, with 
the- exception of S^ankara, none was saluted by Govioda 
This may show that he was a zealous Saivite. Fleet^^^^ .and 
R. G. Bhandarkar^^^^ have suggested that this Govinda' may 
be identified with the king Govinda, who along with Appoyika, 
invaded the Clialukya dominions from the north of the Bhima, 

^ taking advantage of the confusion of. the war of succession 
between Mangalisa and Pulakes'in.^-®^'^ This theory looks 
plausible when it is remembered that Govinda ! was ruling in 
Berar, and could therefore have invaded the Chalukya domi- 
nions only from the north of the Bhima. The proposed iden- 
tification is, however, impossible; Govinda! must have been at 
least 25 when he attacked Pulakes'in in c. 610. A.D., and we 
know that his grandson Krshna.I. was alive and ruling in 772 
A.D. f. e, 162 years later dian the time of his grand-father. 
This chronological difficulty is fatal to the theory of Fleet and 
Bhandarkar, that Govinda, first an opponent and then an ally 
“ of Pulakes'in, is the same as the grand-father of Krshna I 

. The next ruler was Karka 1, who unlike his father was a 
Vaishnavite/^’^ Very little that is historical is known about 
him* He had at least three sons/^^^ of whom Indra !, the 
father of Dantidurga, seems to have been the eldest. He may 
have been born very probably in c. 700 A.D. Kyshna !, 
who succeeded his nephew, seems to have been a younger 
brother. of Indra L He may have oeen junior to Indra I by 
about ten years; his age at the time of his death in c. 775 
A.D.,;may have been about 65. Nanna Gunavaloka seems 
to have been the youngest child of Karka I, since he is known 
. 63. 1. A., Xlf, pp. 1,58 64. Dn'msfleSf pp, 386-7, 

65. Early History of the Deccan, p, 194. 

66. Aihole inscription, E.‘I., V!. pp. 5 ff, 

^ 67. Baroda plates of Karka. i. A., XII, pp. 158 ff. 

■ 68. If we accept the view of Bhagwanlal Indraji, ( see ante, pp, 
I2“13 ) the number of the known sons of Karka becomes fonr. 



;tO';iiaTC-'’been;; alive 4n -795 A.D.* when- the ' Daulalabad i>Iates ' 
were issued by-his son.Sahkaragana/®^^ - His birth' may- 'be 
'.placed in’ Cv 715 :or 720 A.D/ ^ . , 

' ■ Of' the three' brothers Indra seems to have been the-most 
ambitioiis.' :' 'That'he had married a Chalukya' princess-'' was- 
'knowii- since :the ;publicad "of the Samangad plates, thentoe--;;' 
of -the; ^ princess - Bhavanaga ': came to light with- the Bhmdak ; ^ 

■ plates-^-'^®^^ of her brotherdnda'w'Krshnal. The recently publishdi''' ■' 
■Sanjan -plates 'inform us .'that Bhavanaga was carried away, by-' ■' 
force from-- her marriage panda! at Kaira by Indra'l/'^-^^' '-‘Since' ' 
Datidurga, the issue of this union, began his - career ■earfier';- , ' 
than c. 750 A.D., the marriage must have taken place 'some 
time is c. 725 A,D,. A few more facts about the career of Indra 
will be narrated in the next chapter^ where the career of hia 
illustrious son Dantidarga will be described. 

/ „ , CHAPTER II, ■ ; ^ 

’ The Rise of the Ri^htrakSlas 
. ' ; , Indra I. Dantidurga,: and , Krsfaoa I 

A bird's-eye-view of the political condition of India in 
general, and the Deccan in particular, in the first half of the 
8th century would be necessary to understand properly . the 
rise of the Rashtrakuta house. The histoiy of Kashmiir . peed 
not be considered, for after the death of Lalitaditya Muktapida 
that kingdom did not come into contact with the kingdoms . in 
the rest of India for a long time. We do not know who.. . was 
occupying the imperial throne of Kanauj after Yasovarman, It 
would appear from the Chachmma^^^ that Rai Hari Chandet* 


* Rakshase^ta viv3hena ra^e Khelikama^dape, ’ v 

1. Elliot, I. pp. 207-208. 


was ruling there in c. 715 A.D., but this king is yei a mere 
to us. The same is the case of Vajrayiidha^ who is sup* 
posed to have been the predecessor of Chakrayudha by some 
"writers. Bengal was fust recovering from anarchy under the 
leadership of Gopala,!. In the Deccan itself the Chalukya 
empire was powerful, but its strength was being wasted in 
hereditary wars with Paiiavas. The precise extent of the 
(Jlhalukya kingdom at the time of its overthrow is no: easy to 
determine* Its southern boundary line must have been a 
changing one, as the wars with the Paiiavas were being 
continuously fought with varying success. A subordinate branch, 
related by blood^relalionship to toe main line, was no doubt 
ruling at Vengi; but it had become practically independent 
■ of the main, line at this time, though, the imperial title Mate- 
rajadhiraja Parames'vara Parama-bkatiaraka was not assum- 
^ ed by its rulers before the time of Vijayaditya II. The northeni 
boundary of the Chalukya kingdom wa^ probably the Kim in 
southern Gujrat; beyond that river stretched the kingdom of 
the Gurjaras of Bharoch (or rather of Nandipurl, to be precise) 
which embraced the territory between the Kim and the Mahi. 
How much further east of the Kim valley the sway of the 
Chalukyas extended is difficult to determine, for the history of 
the Central Province of this period is still shrouded in mys- 
tery. Portions of this province must have passed under the 
ChaJukya sway with the overthrow of the Kalachuri prince 
STaiScaragana by Mahgalis^a towards the end of the 6th cen- 
tury A.D., but whether they continued to be ruled by the 
Ghalukyas by the beginning of the 8th century is not known. 
Portions of Berar were being ruled by the ancestors of Danli- 
durga; the Multai and Tivarkhed records^"’ do not mention the 
name of the suzerain ruler,* but it is almost certain that he 
must have been the Chalukya king upon the throne. From the 
Udayendiram plates of doubtful authenticity it would 

THE DECCAN’ 'IN 750 A,D.- 


appear that there was a fairly powerful king in the Vindhya 
regions at this time named -Prthvivyaghra, who is claimed. To 
ha#e been defeated by the Pallava ruler. Nandivarmaii* Who this 
prthvivyaghra was^ and how far he had encroached upon the 
Ghalukyan kingdom, we do not know. It is, however, possible 
that Prthvivyaghra may have been 'another name of ' .Jaya- 
va,rdhana of S^ailodbhava dynasty who, in his Ragholi -plates, 
which on palasographical grounds have been assigned to. the 
middle of the 8th centui'y by Rai Bahadur Hirala!/^^ styles 
himself PaiYimamahes^ para Sakalavindhyadhipaii MaM^ 
rajadhiraja Paramesmra, Whether this identification is True 
or not, it is clear that the Chaiukyas must have lost a portion 
of their dominions in the north by the rise of Jayavardliana, 
In the eastern- Kos'aia, there was. kingdom at Sirpur ■ ne'ar 
Raipur, where king Udayana was ruling by the middle of the 
8lh‘ century In Raiputana’ and Malva there ruled two Guiiara 
houses, one at Bhinmal and another at Ujiain. ■ Both these, 
along with the kingdoms of Valabhi and Nandipurs, were being 
considerably harassed by the raids' of the Arabs of Sindh' in 
the second quarter of the 8th century A.D. 

Such then was the political- condition in India, when 
Indra I began his political careen 'The Sanjan plates inform 
us that he had married the Chalukya princess Bhavanagi by 
rakshasa form of marriage at Kaira/^^ This event must have 
taken place some time after 722' A.D. Kaira was then still under 
the rule of the Valabhi house, as the Gondal plates, of Sila- 
ditya V show/^^ Very soon thereafter Kaira and PancLmahal 
districts were lost by the Valabhi kingdom;, no record belong- 
ing to that dynasty comes from this area during the next 29 
years. This negative evidence - is confirmed by the Kavi 
plates of Jayabha'rta 10 of BHaroch,^'^^ -where-that ruler claims 
to have defeated the king of Valabhi by .the skill of his sword. 

4^ Hiralal, List of InscripHom in C. P* and Berar, p. 18, 

"5. E,J., XVIII, pp, 235 ff, 

4 J. B. B. R, A, S., XI, p. 1 !2,, , ' 7, ,■ 1, A,, V, p. 112,, , ■■ ■; 



It would seem that Jayabha«a III had made an alliance with 
the ^Gujirat Chalukya ruler Mahgalarasa, and that the allied 
forces had wrested away the continental districts from the 
Valabhi king in c. 725 A.D. Indra I seems to have, very 
probabb’, served in this campaign as one of the feudatories 
of the Ghalukya king; it was in that capacity that he may have 
been present in Kaira, when he carried away the Chalukya 
princess by force from the marriage pandal there. Bhava- 
naga may have been a daughter of Mahgalarasa or Pulakesin. 
Hindu marriage is indissoluble and, therefore, the estrange- 
ment caused by this rakshasa marriage could not have lasted 
long. The Chalukya ruler may have soon reconciled himself 
with ’the accomplished fact; the marriage may have also 
added to the prestige and patrimony of Indra in Berar. 

The Kaira and Panchmahal districts were not held for a 
long time hy the Gurjara-Chalukya forces. From A 1 Biladuri 
we learh that Junaid, the Arab governor of Sindha, had sent 
expeditions , to the kingdoms of Marwar, Bharoch, .Ujjain,. 
Malsra.and Bhinmal.^®’ The account of the Muslim, chroni- 
cler is confirmed by the Naosari plates of Pulakewraja, dated 
739. which state that the Muslim army, which had 
defeated the kings of Sindh, Kachchha, Kathiawar and the 
Ghayda, Maurya, and Guriara rulers, was repulsed by Pul'ake- 
sin, i Since the" grant is dated 739 A.D.. and since Pulake- 
5 irt’e accession took place in 731 A.D.. the Muslim raid must 
have taken place between these two dates. The havoc of the 
Muslim raid and the effort to repulse it must have we^ened 
the states. in Gujarat and Malva, and Dantidurga must have 
decided to fully exploit this situation when he began his 
carei^r in c. 745 .a.D. at the age of about 22 or 23. His 
imagination must have been fired to some extent by his des- 
cent from the Chalikyas on his mother’s side. 

8. Elliot, 1. p. 109. . • 

9. B.G.. hi. p, 109. . ; ' , ~ 



' Oar sources :'of: information about- Dantidurga are two con- 
temporary records, the Samangad plates dated 754 A.D, 

11. 1. A. XI, pp. Ill ff. The genuineness of this record has heen 

recently called into quetion by Drs. Sukhtankar and Bhandarkar { E, L 
XIV, pp. 121-2; Ibid, XVII!, p. 236). Dr. Sukhtankar *s conclusion, which 
is mainly based on palaeographicai grounds, is that the plates are a few 
decades later than the alleged time of their issue. The palasographicai 
test is, however, a hardly convincing one when the difference is only of 
a few decades. If we compare the Talegaon plates of Krishria I with the 
Samangad plates, we no doubt find that the duct of the former is much 
more archaic than that of the latter; but the s' a in the latter record is 
more archaic than the s"a in the former. The sign-manual of Dadda 
Pras^antaraga in his Kaira Plates of 659 A.D, is in characters at least 
two centuries later than that date. (J. R. A. S.. 1864, p. 205). The same 
is the case of the Mathura Jain inscriptions of the Kushana period, 
whose characters are much in advance of their age. It is clear from the 
last two cases that the current hand was considerably in advance of the 
monumental writing, and it is not impossible that the characters of the 
Samangad plates appear a few decades later than the date of the record, 
not because it is not genuine but because it is written in the current, 
rather than in the monumental script of the period, The names of the 
villages have been tampered with in this record, and if we have to sup- 
pose that the record is not genuine, it will be a case of double forgery* 
Palseographical evidence being inconclusive in this matter, attention 
may be drawm to a few points which would show that the record is a 

-^i, The verse t— ' 

r?Tf iri i 

does not occur in any other Rashtraktita record; and it will be soon 
shown that the armies of Dantidurga had operated in the vallies of these 
rivers. If the record were not genuine, or based upon a genuine record, 
and if it were forged by the krctmavid Brahmanas of Karad, the donees 
of the grant, the rivers mentioned in connection with the exploits o£ 
Dantidurga would have been big rivers like the Ganges, the Jumna etc, 
and not insignificant ones like the Mahi, the Mahanadi and the Reva. 
The fact that these comparatively unimportant rivers are mentioned 
would show that the grant 4s either genuine Or based on an original 
document issued by Dantidurga, 

CP. T-Oi, 


■aBci tlie fragmentary Ellora Dasavatara cave inscription/ 

( Continued from last page ) 

11. TKe %v*riter of the Talegaon plates of Krslitla 1 is tke same in# 
'dividtial as the writer of the Samangad plates issued 15 years earlierl It 
is very likely that Indra, who composed the grant, was serving both 
under Dantidurga and Krshija. When it is remembered that the Tale- 
gaon grant is not based or modelled on, the Samangad one or vice .versa* 
the identity of the composers can be explained only on the assumption 
that the record is a genuine one. Forged records are not likely to be 
eorrect on such minute points. 

iii, The date of the Antroli-Chharoli record, 757 A.D., is not the 
date of Karka, the grandfather of Dantidurga, as shown in the last chapter. 
So there is nothing impossible in Dantidurga being a ruling prince in 
755-'4 A.D. when the Samangad grant was issued. 

It may be pointed out that even if we accept the view of Dr* 
Sukhatankar, the plates will have to be pronounced to be a few decades 
later than the alleged date of their issue. If such is the case, we %vill 
have to assume that the present plates are a later copy of an originally 
genuine grant, and therefore their value as a record describing contem- 
porary incidents cannot be much diminished . The Samangad plates in 
that case will stand on the same level as the Konnur Inscription of 
Amoghavarsha. The latter record was no doubt not written in S^aka 7S2, 
hut it has been shown recently by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar { E. XVIIl, 
p, 235 ff, ) that the record is a genuine copy of an earlier grant, 

12. fCielhorn seems to assign this record to the reign of Amo- 
ghavarsha I, ( E. I. VII, Appendix, p. 13 ) hut this view is not correct. 
The record does not refer to any king later than Dantidurga but merely 
supplies S'arva as an epithet of that king. This becomes quite clear from 
an analysis of the record, V. 23 describes Dantidurga*s victory over the 
rulers of LSta, MSlva. BadSimi, etc., V. 24 compares him to a number 
of gods according to the usual notions on that subject, and V. 25 after 
describing his bravery concludes with the line: — 

II ‘ S^rl Maharaja S^arva 
was terrible like a mad elephant to the enemy who was ambitious of 

Then immediately follows the line: — 

^ I ' Who had made in 

UJ jay ini in a wonderful way the great gift prescribed for kings. * 



and the notices' aboufliim in' the records of , his , successors* 
From these we learn that the rulers : of Kinchf, ■ Kaiinga, 
Srisaila, Kosala, Malava, Lata, 'Tanka, and. Sindh were' de* 
feated by Dantidurga,^^^^' Our records, however, do- not 
supply any clue as to whether the overthrow of the Chalukyas 
preceded or followed the defeat of other kings mentioned in 

But before we proceed to determine the probable chrono* 
log3^ of these wars, we have to consider a serious discrepancy 
(Continued from last page) 

This line obviously refers to which Dantidiurga 

had given at Ujjayini, as we know from the recently puhiished 
Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, It is, therefore, clear that Maharaja 
S^arva who is mentioned in V. 25 of the Das^iivatara record must be 
obviously Dantidurga, whose exploits are the topic of eulogy from V. 23, 
If we assume that it is Amoghavarsha I and not Dantidurga who is 
referred to in the last line of V. 25, which refers to king S'arva, ive 
shall have to suppose that the record passes over, entirely unnoticed, 
as many as four rulers, viz. Krishna I. Govinda II, Dhruva and Govinda 
III, This is extremely improbable, since the author of the Das'Svatara 
inscription has devoted several verses to describe the imaginary careers 
of the predecessors of Dantiduaga. He would have waxed ten times elo- 
quent in describing the a exploits of Dhruva and Govinda Ilfi 
Buhler, who had edited the record, had realised that king S'arv^a could 
not he identified with Amoghavarsha Ij he had proposed to regard him as 
a brother or a minister of Dantidurga. (A. S. W. I., V, pp. 186 ff.) This 
-view, however, overlooks the fact the V. 25 describes the If f 
ceremony of S'arva as something which other kings could not have 
thought of emulating, even in dream. This statement would have been 
altogether inappropriate and wide of the mark, if S'arva were a younger 
brother or a minister of Dantidurga. To conclude, the last ruler mentioned 
in this record is Dantidurga S'arva and therefore the record may well 
be a contemporary document. But as it is incomplete, one cannot be 
positive on the point* 

13. Cf, Ellora Innscription V. 23, Samangad grant lines, 21“22, 
Begumm plates of Indra III, E. I, IX, pp, 24 ff. The Das^SvatSra record 
•gives the name of the last mentioned king as Sandhubkupa hut this is 
obviously a mistake for Sindhuhkupa^ 

in the itasntraKum rui;uru» 

lukyas. Some of the records ascribe the defeat of ivirtivarman 
H to Dantidurga and odiers to Kyshiia I. There can, however, 
be no doubt that Krshija I only completed the work of. his 
nephew. It is no doubt true that the Wani-Dindon and 
Radhanpur^'®’ plates of Govinda III, dated 808-9 A.D., Baroda 
plates of Karka,^^®'^ dated 812 A.D., and the l-fepadwanj 
plates of Krishna 11,^'^' dated 910 A.D.. give the credit of the 
overthrow of the Chalukyas to Krshna !, but this is obx^usiy 
due to the fact that these records altogether pass over 
durga, because he was only a collateral ancestor. The Sanjan 
plates of Amoghavarsha dated 871 A.D., and the 

Cambay'’®’ and Sangli'®®’ plates of Govinda IV. dated 930 and 
933 A.D. respectively, no doubt mention Dantidurga, but give 
the credit of the Chalukya overthrow to Kyshija I. But these 
are late records and their testimony will have to be rejected in 
favour of the undoubtedly earliest and almost contemporary 
records, uiz. the Bharala Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala””. 
Talegaon'®” and Bhanduk'"^’ plates of Krshna I dated 758, 
770 and 774 A.D. respectively. These records were issued by 

Krshna I himself . and they not only do not claim the credit 

of the Chalukya defeat for him. but actually give it to Danti- 
durga. There can, therefore, be no doubt that it was Danti- 
durga, and not Kyshiia I who gave the first decisive blow 
to the Chalukya house. The later records ascribe that feat 
in some cases to Krshtia I, partly because they pass over 
Dantidurga altogether, and partly because Krshna I com- 
pleted the work of his nephew and humbled the Chalukyas of 
Vengi as well. 

Dantidurga seems to have begun his career by attacking 

15. E, I., VI. pp. 242 
17, E. I., I. pp. 52 ff. 

19. E. I.. VII. pp. 36£f. 

21j B. I.S. M. J.. VIII, 165-8. 
23. E. I.. XIV. pp. 101-02. 

14. I. A„ XI, pp. 157 ff. 

16. I. A.. XII, pp. 158 ff. 
18. E. I., XVIIl, pp. 235 ff, 
20. I.A..XII, pp. 249ff. 
22. E. !.. XIII, pp. 275 ff. 


■ his eastern neighbours in Udayana of Sirpur 

near Raipur and Jayavardhana of Srivardhana near Ramtek, 
who was probably also known as Prthvlvyaghra/^^^ If the 
Udayendiram'' plates/^^V issued by Nandivarman li in his 
21si year, are geniune or based* like the Konnur inscription 
of Amoghavarsha I, on a genuine record, it would appear 
that Dan tidurga and Nandivarman 11 were co-operating with 
each other in this expedition : for the Udayendiram plates 
claim that Nandivarman II had captured Udayana. the king of 
the Sabaras, and defeated Prthvlvyaghra, another S^abara 
chief, who was presumptuous enough to perform an Asvamedha 
sacrifice. Since several records of Dantidurga claim for him 
also the credit of defeating the Kosala ruler or rulers, it seems 
very likely that he had made an alliance^®'^^ with the Pallava 
ruler Nandivarman, the natural enemy of his prospective 

24. Udayana*s great -grand -son Chandragupta was defeated by 
Govinda III in c. 810 A.D. It is, therefore, very likely that Udayana 
himself was on the throne at this time. See E. I., XVIIl, pp. 240 and 
XI, pp, 185 f£. 

25. Jayavardhana is called | 

in the Ragholi plates; he may, therefore, well have been the same as 
the S'abara chief, PrithvIvySghra, who attempted to perform an AsVa* 
medha according to the Uda 3 >-endiram plates. With reference to Nandi- 
varman he was a northerner. 

26. S.I. I. II.. pp. 365 ff. 

27. Dubreuil has suggested that Danlivarman cemented this alliance 
by giving his daughter S'ankha in marriage to Nandivarman ( Pallavas^ 
p. 75 ) There are several difficulties in accepting this theory. In the 
first place it may be pointed out that the Bahur plates simply mention 
that S'ankha was a Rash^trakuta princess; the name of her father is not 
given. ( S, I. L, II, p. 515). We have seen already how there were 
several Rathi or Rashtrakilta families in Andhra and Karnatak; it is not 
impossible that S'ankba may have belonged to one of these and may have 
been altogether unconnected with the house of Dantidurga. In the 
secon^ place it may be pointed out that Nandivarman, who had married 
S'ankha, was the son of Tantivarman { See V, 12 of the Bahur plates; 
S. I, L, 11, p. 515 ), while Nandivarman, who was the ally and [P. P. 0, 



opponent Kfrtivarman if. It is no doubt true that a number of 
records, like the Dasavatara one, state that Dantidurga had 
defeated the king of Kanchi as well ; but this statement is not 
against the theory of alliance. For Nandivarman I was not 
the son of his predecessor Paramesvaravarman, as the 
Udayendiram plates were supposed to prove. He was bom 
in a collateral branch and seems to have supplanted b\^ force 
either Paramesvaravarman or his successor. Dantidurga 
may probably have helped Nandivarman in this war against 
his predecessor. Hence his records may well claim that he 
had defeated the Pallava king. It was probably when Danti- 
durga was cooperating with the forces of Nandivarman that he 
may have defeated or come into hostile contact with the ruler 
of Snsaila in Karnul district. 

After strengthening his position by the defeat of his 
eastern neighbours and by his alliance .with Nandivarman, 
Dantidurga seems to have attacked the Gudaras of Bharoch 
and the ChMukyas of the Gujrat branch, and annexed their 
dominions. These kingdoms were already exhausted by the 
Muslim raid and its repulsion, and Dantidurga’s task may not 
have been very difficult. 

Dantidurga‘s successes must have made a collision with 
Kirtivarman II inevitable, and it seems to have taken place 
before January 754 A.D. when the Samangad plates were 
issued. We are told that the Chalul^ya emperor was easily 
defeated merely by the frown without even any weapons 
( Continued from last page ) 

contemporary of Dantidurga, was the son, either of Paramesvaravarman, 
according to the earlier view based upon the Udayendiram plates, or of 
Hiranya, according to the present view based upon the Kasakudi and 
Velurapalaiyam plates# No record, however, designates his father as 
Tantivarman. It must, therefore, he admitted that there is no conclusive 
evidence to prove that SVnhha, the Rashtrakuta princess, was a daughter 
of Dantidurga married to Nandivarman IL ^ 

28. See Kasakudi plates of Nandivarman, S, L I*, II, No. 78, and 
Velurapalaiyam plates of Vijayanandivarman III, S, I. L, 11, No. 98. 



being raised this slatement/if not an exaggeration, wouM 
show that the overthrow of the ChaJukya emperor was 
brought by strategem or treachery. Dantidurga was enabled 
by this victory to occupy Khandesh, Nasik, Poona, Satara 
and Kolhapur districts, as the findspot and the villages men- 
tioned in the Sam^ngad plates would show. Kirtivarman, 
however, continued to hold sway in Karnatak right up to 
Sholapur even after this defeat. In 757 A.D. we find him en- 
camped with his army at Bhadara-Gavittage/^^^ a village on 
the northern bank of the Bhima in Sholapur district. Either 
Dantidurga or his successor Krshna I soon completed the 
Chalukya overthrow. The second defeat, the whereabouts of 
which are still unknown, was decisive ; for not only do we not 
find any record of Kirtivarman subsequent to 757 A.D. but the 
records of the later Chalukyas themselves state expressly that 
the glory of the Chalulcyas set with Kirtivarman II. 

Dantidurga* s attacks on the rulers of Tank, Sindha and 
Malva now remain to be considered. Tanka has not been so 
far identified. Arabs of Sindh were now and then attacking 
their western neighbours and Dantidurga seems to have defeat- 
ed some of these raids. Some time after the first defeat 
of Kirtivarman, Dantidurga seems to have led an expedi- 
tion to Ujjain either to heir the Gurjara-Pratihara ruler 
Devaraja, or to take advantaf j of the defeat that was inflicted 
on him by the rival Gurjara ratihara king, Siluka, ruling at 

29. Cf. I 

H a*, xl pp. iii,^ 

30. Vakkeri plates of Kirtivarman li, E. I., V, pp* 202 ff. 

31. ct^ tfWrST: I 

Yewoor Inscription, I, A,, VIII, pp. 11 ff. 


Bhinma!/*^^^ This becomes quite clear from the Das'avatara 
record which states that Dantidurga.was occupying a palace 
of the Gurjara ruier^*^^ and from the Saiijan plates where we 
are informed that when Dantidurga performed the Hiranya^^ 
garhhadana ceremony at Ujjain, the Gurjara ruler acted as his 
door-heeper. ■ ■ 

After the conquest of Gujrat, Dantidurga appointed 
Karka 11 of the Anlroli-Chharoli record as his governor of the 
province. Karka II was a relative of his as sho^\-n already. 
The Antroli-Chharoli record does not claim that either Karka 
or any of his ancestor had conquered southern Gujrat. Since 
a number of records ascribe that conquest to Dantidurga, it is 
clear that Karka owed his position in Gujrat to that king. It 
may be pointed out that Karka’ s titles do not show that he 
was an independent ruler. 

A review of Dantidurga’ s career will show that he was a 
leader gifted with political insight and possessed of great 
organising capacity. He could see how the Chalukya empire 
had become weakened by its incessant wars with the Pallavas 
and how the petty states of Gujrat, exhausted by the Muslim 
forays, could no longer hold their own against a resolute con- 
queror. Forming wise alliances, proceeding cautiously step 
by step, utilising the services of his youthful nephews and 
mature uncles, he gradually enlarged his kingdom until it 
included southern Gujrat, Khandesh, Berar, and northern 

32. The line; ‘ ^ ’ in the colophon ol 

Harivans'a of Jinasena has to be construed to mean that Vatsaraja was 
ruling at Avanti; the lines in the Sanjan plates 


Maharaslitra The theory that he oppressed his subjects 
and was overthrown by his. uncle Krshnal- is, as .will 
be shown in the next section, no longer tenable. Like 
most other founders of new dynasties he seems to have 
been 'a wise . and able ruler. In religion he shared, orthodox 
Hindu beliefs. When he vras at the sacred tifthu Ujjain, 
he performed there the HiTanyQ^(ifhh(iTH<xhcidciTi(i\ he must 
have obviously believed that the ritual would endow him 
with a divine body. On the rathasaptami day of 754 A.D 
he weighed himself against gold and distributed the money 
among the Brahmanas. He showed his devotion to his mother 
by bestowing, at her request, lands in several villages on 
worthy Brahmanas. The precise date of his death is 
not known but since his successor was on the throne in 758 A.D.t 
it is clear that he must have died not long after 754 A,D.» 
when he could hardly have been much above 30. When we 
remember how young he died, his achievements will have 
to be pronounced as unique. 

Krishna I 

Dantidurga was succeeded by his uncle Krshna I pro- 
bably because he left no male issue. This reason is no doubt 
given by the Kadba plates which were issued in the reign 
of Karka II, but a record from Chitaldurg confirms it. This 
record^^^^ informs us that when Dantidurga died without a 
son, Kannara, his junior uncle, succeeded him. 

The view that Dantidurga was deposed by his uncle 
Krshna for oppressing the subjects was based upon a mis- 
understanding of the verse: — 

34, Samangadi plates, I. A., XI, pp. Ill fE 

35, E. C„ XI. CKitaldurga No, 49, Alas plates of Fuvaraja Govinda 

yefer to Dantivarman, as the person 

■ at wiic^e recitiest tiie grant "was made. But since Danlivarman of tins 
record is not tke son of Indra, it will not be possible to identify him 
with Dantidurga, 




occurring in the Begumra plates of KrshQa II. The reading 
of the last pari of the first line is * Kshaiaprajabadhah * in the ^ 
Talegaon plates of Krshna I himself, and the Paithan plates ! 
of Govinda III, * Krtaprajapalah ’ in the Dauiatabad plates of : 
S'anharagana, and ‘ kshitau prajapalah ’ in the Alas plates of 
Krshna’ s son Govinda II. It is, therefore, clear that this line I 

either praises Krshna I for removing the miseries of the f 

subjects or observes that Dantidurga was also a ruler of the | 
same category ; the correct reading of the last word of the first 
line in the Begumra plates is clearly, * akrtaprajabadhe ’ and ' 
not krtaprajabadhe. A verse in the Baroda plates of Karka ? 
of the Gujrat branch no doubt says that Krshna I had ousted 
a relative, who had gone astray, but the Bharata Itihasa 
Samshodhaka MandaJa,^^^^ Taiegaon^^^^ and Bhanduk^''^^^ 
plates of Krshna I himself make it abundantly clear that this 
relative could not have been Dantidurga. As Dr, D. R. 
Bhandarkar observes, Krshna I would not have tolerated v 
a eulogy of his murdered nephew in his own grant, and added 
at the end that when the victim of his machinations had 
departed from this world, he ascended the throne. The rela- 
tive ousted by Krshna was very probably Karka II of the 
Antroli-Chharoli record who, we have seen, was a distant 
cousin of his. The Antroli-Chharoli record itself shows that 
Karka I! was even then entertaining imperial ambition. Karka 
there styles himself * Samadhigatapanchamahas ahda-pamma* 
hhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara ; It will be seen 
that here Karka is trying to smuggle cleverly for himself the 
imperial title after first using the feudatory one to which 
alone he was entitled. After the death of Dantidurga he may 
have openly declared himself emperor. It is, therefore, very 

36. I. A., Xm. pp. 66 ff. 37. B. L S. M. VOI. p. 165, 

,,, 38. E. L.^in. pp, 275 ff. 39. E. L, XIV, pp, 121 ff. 

‘ pp. 275ff. 


probable that the relative ousted "by, ■ Krshiia: was' ■ Karka; II,, 
he was certainly not Dantidurga. 

A verse occurring in four records of the Gujrat branch 
states that Krshna obtained the title of Rajadhirajaparame-^ 
s'mra after defeating Rahappa who had become inflated with 
' pride about his strength. This Rahappa must have been 
different from the relative, whom Krshna had ousted, for he 
is nowhere described as a relative of Krshna, He cannot be, 
therefore, Karka of the Antroli-Chharoli record. The present 
state of our knowledge, however, does not enable us to identi- 
fy this potentate with certainty. A ruler of Mewar, bearing 
that name, is known to have flourished in c. 1200 A.D.: an 
inscription from the same province, dated 723 A.D., refers itself 
to the rule of Maharajadhiraja Parames'vara STi-Dhavalap- 
padeva.^^^^ It may thus appear that in some of the ruling 
families of Mewar, names ending in ppa were current, and it is 
not impossible that Rahappa, the opponent of Krshna I, may 
have been a ruler in Mewar, possibly a hitherto unknown son 
or successor of king Dhavalappa just referred to. It has also 
to be remembered that the last part of the name Rahappa 
bears? a Canarese appearance, and since Krshna I is said to 
have obtained the imperial position after defeating Rahappa, 
it is not impossible that Rahappa may have been either 
another name of Kirtivarman, or a biruda of the contemporary 
Vengi ruler Vishnu vardhana defeated by his heir-apparent. It 
must, however, be confessed that in the present state of our 
knowledge no identification, that can be unreservedly ac- 
cepted, can be proposed. 

41. Kavi Plates of Govinda, 827-8 A. D., I. A., V, pp, 145 ff, 
Begumra plates of Dhiuvaraja II, 867-8 A.D., I. A,, XII, pp, 181 ff, , 
Krshna, 888-9 A. D„ I. A., Xlli, pp; 46ff. 

Surat plates of Karka, 821 A, D. (being editfcd by the %vriter in 
* ' ’ E. I.) , 


Kfshna was a mature man of about 45 when he succeed* ; 
ed his nephew in c. 756. He had very probably participated | 
■in many of the campaigns of his nephew, and it is veiy pro* i 
bable that the final defeat of Kutivarman was his achieve* j 
ment. For Klrtivarman was holding his own in Kamatalc t; 
as late as 757 A.D., L e. three years after the last known date - 
of Daniidurga and one year before the first known date of 
Krshna h The Bharata Itihasa Samshodhak Mandala plates I 
of Krshna, issued in September 758, do not refer to his defeat I 
of the ChMukyas; it is probable- that the event was yet lo | 
take place then. But not much later than that date he must ‘ 
have completed the Chalukya overthrow, and annexed the 
southern part of that kingdom. • 

He must have spent some time in consolidating his 
position; but that was not much. Soon he undertook an I 
offensive expedition against Gangavadi; for his Talegaon • 
plates^^'^^ show him encamped in 768 A.D. at Manne in 
Mysore state during the course of that expedition. An echo 
of this invasion of Gangavadi is heard in a lithic record . 
from Tumkur district, immortalising the memory of a 
hero, who had fallen in the war caused by the rising of the 
Rattas against Gangavadi. Since this record refers itself to , 
the reign of Snpurusha, it is clear that this aged ruler was on 
the throne of Gangavadi when Krshna invaded it after - 
annexing the Chalukya dominions. The issue of Talegaon 
plates from Manne, the Ganga capital, shows that Krshna 
was successful in his expedition. Krshna s expedition 
against the Gangas was not known before the publication of 
his Talegaon plates. 

The Chalukyas of Vengi were next attacked, and this 
expedition was under the charge of Yuvaraja Govinda whom 
we find encamped on the confluence of the Musi and the 
Krishna — hardly 100 miles from Vengi itself — in 770 A.D, while 

43. E. L. XIII, pp. 275 ff. 44. E. C,. Xil, Maddagiri, No. 99, 


45 . 

conducting that expedition^^^h Vishnuvardhana IV, who was 
then upon the Vengi throne, was defeated by Govinda. As a 
■result of this victory a major part of the modem state of 
Hyderabad must have passed under the Rashtrakuta sway,, 
The recently published Bhanduk plates of Ki'shna show 
that in 772 A=D. practically the whole of Marathi C. R was then 
.under his rule. 

Krshna I had also brought under his sway sauthero Kon- 
kan. From the Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja, we learn 
that Sanaphulla, the founder of the line, had obtained the 
territories between the Sahya and the sea through the favour 
of Krshnaraja.^'^^^ S'ilaharas were for a long time ver 5 ^^ loyal 
feudatories of the Rashtrakutas; allowing about 25 years per 
generation for the ancestors of Rattaraja, we find that Sana’’ 
phulla has to be placed in the latter half of the 8th century 
It is therefore evident that Krshnaraja, who had placed Sana* 
phulla in charge of Konkan, must be Krshna L 

The date of the death of Krshna I is not known, but it 
must have taken place some time between the 23rd of June 772 
A.D., when the Talegaon plates were issued and October 775 
A.D., when the Pimperi plates were issued by his son 
Dhruva, which do not refer to Krshna I as living or ruling. 

Krshna was undoubtedly an able ruler and a skilful 
general. During his short reign of about 18 years he enlarged 
the kingdom he had inherited to three times its original size by 
annexing Konkan, Karnatak and the major portion of Hydera* 
bad state to his empire. He had humbled down the Ganga 
and Vengi lulers and the expression ‘ Kanchlgunalankrt^ 
vis mmhhara nijamniteva sa tena hhukta* occurring in his 
Talegaon plates, may perhaps be referring to the defeat of the 
Pallava ruler of Kanchi as well, though we have no other 
evidence on the point. It is clear that by his conquests 

45. ^ Alas plates of YuvarSja Govinda. E. I., VI, pp. 208 ff. 

46. E. 1.. XIV. pp. 121 ff. 47. E. I.. Ill, pp. 292 ff. 


Kishna I had secured for Us house a dominating position in ^ 
the Deccan paving thereby the way of his successors to parti- | 
cipate in the politics of the north He was also a great builds ' 
and caused to be excavated the ELora Kailasa temple which , 

isoneof the architectural wonders of the world, since the i 
whole structure is hewn out of solid rock i j . ' 

The overthrow of the Chalulcyas was complete deci- . 
sive. and it is only rarely that we come across even Chaiuk^ [ 
feudatories in the first century of the Rashtrakuta rule. Only 
three such feudatories come to our notice, (i) kattiyira of f 
Did^ur inscription was possibly a Chaiukya chief but he 
wara verv petty ruler. Kattiyiradeva. who is mentioned as 
an ancestor of later Chalukyas in Managoii inscription, may 
possibly be this Kattiyira. (ii) Kadba plates of Govinda III 
disclose another Chaiukya feudatory named Yasov^man. 
but since he had to requisition the services of the Ganga 
chief to secure the permission of Govinda HI for certain gvmts 
.. • bn uraci a ruler of even a mediocre feu- 


Raslitrakutas, from the beginning, since the verse in question 
mentions Subhatuhga, which was one of the hirudas of Krshna I, 
as ruling at Malhhed. This view, however, does not seem 
to be correct, since Subhatunga is known to have been a 
hirada of Krshna 11 as well* Besides a verse in the Karda 
plates of Karha II distinctly states that Amoghavarsha I 
built Manyahheta, which could put to shame even the capital 
of gods/^'^^ It would, therefore, seem that before the time of 
Amoghavarsha I some other city than Malhhed was the 
capital of the empire, especially as no record earlier than his 
time refers to Malhhed as capital. It has been suggested 
that Mayurakhindi or Morhhind, a fort in the district of Nasik, 
may have been the pre-Malkhed capital, since Wani-Dindori, 
Radhanpur and Kadba plates of Goyinda III were issued from 
that place. But the expression used in these records is 
Mayurakhiniisama-oasitena maya and not Mayur'akhiniivasiav^ 
'yena maya. It is, therefore, quite possible that at the time of 
the issue of these records Govinda III may have temporarily 
encamped in this fort. In the Wani-Dindori plates the village 
granted is described as included in Vatanagara vishaya of 
Nasika desa. If Morkhinda of Nasik district were really the 
capital at this period, it is strange that the vishaya or desa in 
which it was situated should not have been designated after 
it It would, therefore, appear that Mayuraldbindi was only a 
military station and not a capital This same circumstance 
would go against the view that Nasik was the capital The 
Dhulia^^^^ and plates besides show that Nasik was 

the seat of a viceroy, and not of the central Government, in 
the 8th century. Latura was the original home of the family, 
from which it had migrated in Berar a few centuries earlier; 
and it was also included in the Rashtrakuta kingdom in the 
reign of Krshna I But there is no evidence to show that the 
earlier rjulers of the family had made their ancestral home 

the rise of the RASHTRAKUTAS I 

once more their capital. Paithan also was not the capital as ‘ 
the Paithan plates of Govinda III would show. As it is. we | 
have to confess that the early capital of the house cannot be ; 
determined with certainty. It is. however, not improbable ; 
that Eiichpur in Berar. where the ancestors of Uantidurga [ 
were ruling before the rise of the house, may Ji^ve continued i 
to be the capital, till it was changed to Malkiied. Lousens 
has recently suggested^^^^ that the Rashtmkuta capital may 
have been located somewhere in the vicinity of the hbra ; 
caves in the time of Dantidurga. Ho thinks that the place 
called as ‘ Sooloobunjun ’ in the Indian atlas sheets, which is 
just above the plateau near the Elora caves may have been 
the actual locality of the capital, since what look like ihe ■; 
remains of a town and a very large tank are still to be ; 
seen in the place. This view is a probable one. but Ae 
identification of the pre-Malldied capital with booloobunjun 
can be accepted as proved only when more substantial evi- 
dence can be adduced. As it is. we have to admit that we ; 
have no definite knowledge as to the precise site of the capital : 
before it was shifted to Malkhed. 

Krshna I was succeeded by his eldest son Uovmda rra- 
bhutavarsha Vikramavaloka soon after 772^’^ A.D. He had been 
56. Cousens. The Ohalukyan Architecture, p. 1 . 

1. Fleet’s a view that Govinda 11 did not suoceeed at all tt® 
throne cannot he maintained any longer. The expression ‘ 
can support the theories both of dethronement and supercession; for 
the root ' means to jump over as well as to set aside or 

transgress. Baroda plates of Karka Suvarnavarsha dated 881-2 A.D., 
Kapadwani grant of Krishna 11, dated 910-11 A.D., and Begumra 
plates of Indra HI. dated 914-5 A.D., no doubt omit the ^me 
of Govinda 11 from the genealogy; hut jlus was because [P. T. 0. 


4 ^ 

selected by his father as his successor and was annointed as 
yamraja some time between 770and 772^^^ A.D. He had already 
distinguished himself on the battlefield by defeating Vishnu 
vardhana IV of Vengi/^^ He appears to have been a great 
cavalry leader, for the Kadba plates issued by Govioda III,, 
a son of Dhruva I who had deposed him, mention how 
Govinda 21 used to win victory by the sole help of his 
■ favourite ■ horse, 

Daulatabad plates describe how Govinda II relieved 
Govardhana and despoiled a king named Parijata^^\ But at 
present we neither know who this king Parijata was, nor why 
it was necessary to relieve Govardhana, Since Govardhana is 
Continued from last page 

Ke was a collateral member. It may be pointed that the first two of the 
above-mentioned records omit the name of Dantidurga as well, DeoHand 
Karhad plates of Krshna III mention the name of Jagattunga as a prince 
who did not ascend the throne; but they make no such statement about 
Govinda If. Govinda III was the son of Dhruva I who had deposed 
Govinda 11, and still his earliest record — the Paithan plates of 794 A.D.— • 
describe how Govinda II appeared under the white imperial umbrella. 
Another record of his, the Kadba plates of 814 A.D„ actually describes 
the coronation of Govinda il. Daulatabad plates of 793“4 A.D., issued in 
the reign of Dhruva himself, describe how Govinda had to be deposed by 
Dhruva in the interest of the dynasty, as he had entrusted the administra- 
tion to some strangers and was being deserted by the feudatories. There 
can, therefore, he no doubt that Govinda II did actually rule, although it 
may he only for a short time. This conclusion is supported by the 
Chalkeri record No, 34 ( E. C, XI ) which uses the expression * Prithvi* 
rajyam-geyije ’ ‘ruling over the earth * with reference to 
son of Akilavarsha, Cf. 

Prabhutavarsha was a hituda of Govinda III as well, but he cannot 
be the king here referred to, for he was not the son of AkSlavarsha hut 
of DhSravarsha. The title ‘ * is also a variation of the title 

« ’ which we find him using in his Alas plates. { E. I., VI, 
pp, 208 ff. ) 

2, The Talegaort plates of 770 refer to him as simple GovindarSja, 
while the Alas plates of 772 describe him as ’ 

^ 3, Alas plates. E. U, VI. pp, 208 ff. ^ ' 4. E.j;,, IX,, pp. 185 ff, ■ 



situated in Nasik district, it is probable that its relief may 
refer to a temporary victory of Govinda over Dhruva, his 
rebellious brother, who, we know from the Dhulia^^^ and 
Pimperi^^^ plates, was ruling over Nasik and Khandesh as 
the governor under his elder brother. 

Soon after his accession Govinda abandoned himself to a 
life of pleasure and vice^'^b This must have made his adminis- 
tration unpopular and inefficient. Karhad plates of Krshna 
state that Govinda practically entrusted the whole admi- 
nistration to Dhruva, as his mind was engrossed with the en- 
joyment of pleasures. This must have given Dhruva a golden 
opportunity to usurp the throne for himself. He proceeded 
cautiously; we find him sometimes issuing grants under": his' 
own authority, sometimes we notice him recognising Govinda 
as the de jure sovereign, but nevertheless issuing the land grant 
on his sole responsibility It seems that Govinda soon realis- 
ed what his brother was -aiming at; he immediately removed 
him from the administration and entrusted it to some stranger. 
Feudatories, realising the internal dissensions, became luke- 
warm in their loyalty. This supplied Dhruva with a suffici- 
ent excuse to revolt openly against his brother; declaring 
that there was the danger of the Rashtrakuta family itself 
being ousted from the throne, he proceeded to fight with his 
brother, not so much to gain the throne for himself, as to 

5. E. VIII, pp. 182 ff. 6. E. !., X, pp. 81 ff. 

7. See Karhad plates of Krshna III, E. !., IV, pp, 278 ff. and the 
Kharda plates of Karka, L A., XII, pp. 263 ff. 

8. E. I„ iV, pp. 278 ff. 

9. In the Pimperi grant issued in 775 A.D., Dhruva altogether 
ignores his elder brother Govinda,, who was the reigning sovereign; in 
the Dhulia plates of 779 A.D. ( E. L, VIII, pp, 81 tf. ), we find that 
Govinda II is mentioned as the ruling emperor, hut the grantor Karka 
makes the grant with the sanction, not of Govinda, the emperor, hut of 
his own father Dhruva, 


retain it for the Rashtrahutas^^^^^ He first tried to induce 
Govinda to abdicate, which he naturally refused to do. 
Govinda tried his best to put down the rising of his brother; 
he sought and obtained help from the rulers of Kanchi, 
Gangawadi, Vengi/^^^ and Malva, Dhruva, however, sue* 
needed in defeating the confederacy and winning the throne 
for liimselfi 

This event probably took place in c« 7B0 


Daulatabad plates; E. I, IX, pp, 193 ff, 

11. Pampa in his Vikramarjtinamjaya states that Ankesarin I, 
the sixth ancestor of his patron Arikesarin II, ( c. 925-950 A.D. ) had 
penetrated into the kingBora of a king named Nirupamadeva, with the 
ministers of Bengerivishaya. ( J. B. B. R, A. S. XIV. p, 19), Allowing 25 
years for each generation, the time of Arikesarin I works out to be 
775-800 A.D. It ’would, therefore, appear that this Chalukya feudatory 
had joined the party of Govinda against Dhruva. Can king Bengeri- 
vishaya possibly stand for the Vengi ruler ? 

12. The above account of the reign of Govinda is -Based on the 
assumption that his Dhulia plates are genuine. It must be admitted that 
this record, though issued in 779 A.D., appears to be some decades 
later than the Pimperi plates of 779 A.D. But it has been shown already 
\a7lte pp. 33-4] that the palseographical test cannot be regarded as the most 
decisive one, when the difference is only of a few decades. The xmpor® 
tant factor in connection with the genuineness of the Dhulia plates is the 
genuineness of their date. The plates were issued on the 10th day of the 
bright half of Pausha of S'aka 701. Prof. Kielhorn, after making the 
necessary calculations, wrote: ‘ The date of this inscription for S'^aka 
Samvat 701 expired regularly corresponds to the 22nd of December 779 
A D« On this day Makara or Uttarayana Sankranti took place at 4 h, 
30 m., and the 10th titlii of the bright half of Pausha commenced 6 h* 
44 m. after the mean sunrise/ (E. L, VIII. p. 183, n. 2.). Astronomical 
calculations thus show that the Dhulia plates are genuine, or at least 
based on a genuine original document. The Pimperi record is also 
genuine, but we cannot suppose that Govinda was expelled as early as 

" ' ' • - ' [P.y.o. 



Nothing is known about the scene of this war of succes- 
sion, but since most of the allies of Govinda hailed from the 
south, it is not improbable that the decisive battles may have 
been fought in that direction. It is not known as to what fate 
overtook Govinda after his defeat; nothing is further heard of 
him. He may have died in battle or may have been imprison- 
ed or hilled by his brother Dhruva. It is not known whether 
Dhruva treated his elder brother with the sapie consideration 
with which Govinda III treated his own elder brother, Stambha, 
when the latter had risen in rebellion. 

Dhruva Dharavarsha 

After the overthrow of his elder brother above described, 
Dhruva ascended the throne. From the Dhulia plates of 
Govinda !l, we find that Dhruva was still professing himself 
to be a subdrdinate of his elder brother in 779 A.D. In what 
year precisely Jie overthrew his brother and ascended the 
■ throne is not definitely known at present ^ From Jinasenas 
Harimns a, we learn that in 783 A.D. king Snvallabha, son of 
Ki'shna, was ruling the south. This statement, however, does 
not enable us to determine^ the date of the accession of 
Dhruva, for the description ’ Srivallabha, son of Krshna/ can 
suit Govinda II as well as Dhruva. It is true that the Paithan 
^ plates of Govinda il! issued soon after his accession, mention 

( Continued from last page ) 

October 775 A.D. Krsh^a I was still on the throne in June 772 A.D, It 
would be difficult to imagine that in the short space of about 3 years all 
the following events took place : — accession of Govinda 11, his misrule, 
his entrusting the administration, first to Dhruva, and then to some 
strangers when the former showed disloyalty, Dhruva’s effort to induce 
Govinda to abdicate, the latter’s successful attempt in securing for him- 
self the help of the hereditary enemies of his house, and the defeat of 
this big confederacy by Dhruva. As both the Pimperi and the Dhulia 
plates are genuine, the above reconstruction of history* here j)ropo 3 cd 
for the first time, seems to be the only way out of the difficulty, created 
by the overlapping dates of these documents. 


Srivallabha as an epithet of Govinda 11 and Kalivaliabha as 
that of Dhruva. But Sravanbelgola Inscription No. 24, which 
is an almost contemporary document, describes the father of 
Stambha, i. e, Dhruva, as Srivallabha. '^®’ Another contem* 
porary record from Matakeri in Mysore district'’^’ refers to 
Dharavarsha Srivallabha as the overlord of Kambarasa, prov- 
ing thereby that Dhruva was known both by the epithets of 
Srivallabha and Kalivaliabha. Since Srivallabha was thus 
the epithet^ of both Govinda 11 and his immediate successor 
Dhruva, Srivallabha mentioned by Jinasena as ruling in 
783 A.D. can be either Govinda or Dhruva. But since 
the latest known date of Govinda II is 779 A.D. which is 
supplied by the Dhulia plates discussed above, it may be 
reasonably assumed that Srivallabha, who is mentioned by 
Jinasena as ruling over the south in 783 A.D. may have been 
Dhruva rather than Govinda II. For, if we place the usur- 
pation subsequent even to 783 A.D., say in 784 or 785 A.D,, 
Dhruva will have a short reign of about 8 years. His exten- 
sive conquests in the south and north, which will be soon 
described, will make it abundantly clear that they presupposed 
a somewhat longer reign. 

At the time of his accession in c. 780 A.D. Dhruva was a 
mature man of about 50; for. when the Dhulia pl-tes -were 
issued in 779 A.D., his son was a growm-up man invested with 
the Panchamahas'ahdas, and taking an active part in the 
administration. Dhruva’s age. however, had not quenched 
his military ambition as his hirada ‘Kalivaliabha’, ‘one who 
loves strife or war,' will show. After his accession Dhruva 
must have spent some time in consolidating his position by 
compelling the refractoiy feudatories, who were about to 
overthrow his brother s yoke, to recognise his sovereignty. 
Then he proceeded to punish those of his neighbours w’ho had 



sided with his brother in the war of succession. We have 
seen already how the rulers of Talwad, Kanchi, Vengi, and 
Malva had championed the cause of his brother. It is precise- 
ly against these Idngs that we find the armies of Dhruva 
operating during the greater part of his reign. 

Dhruva first proceeded to punish his southern neighbours^ 
The first blow was directed against the Ganga principaiity. 
The aged Ganga ruler Sri-purusha Mutta-rasa who was 
defeated by his father Krshna I, was now dead, and was 
succeeded by his son Sivamara II. The Manne plates/ 
alleged to have been issued in 797A.D., are no doubt spurious, 
but the statement made therein, that Sivamara was interested 
in logic, dramaturgy and Pdtanjala-Mahabhashya may well 
have been founded on good tradition ; it would show that he 
was more a scholar than an administrator.. His authorship of 
a book on war-elephants did not prove to him of much avail 
against the elephant-phalanx of Dhruva, who managed to 
defeat and imprison him. The statement in the Rashtrakuta 
records that the Ganga ruler was imprisoned is confirmed 
by some Ganga documents as well. The Manne grant, above 
referred to, states that Sivamara was entangled on all sides 
in difficulties. The Gattiyadpur plates inform that 

Sivamara put his younger brother Vijayaditya upon the throne 
who, like Bharata, knowing the earth to be his elder brother's 
wife, refrained from enjoying her. The simile makes it quite 
clear that Sivamara was absent from the kingdom in the 
Rashtrakuta prison, and that his younger brother was trying 
to carry on the struggle against the invading forces in the 
absence of the jure ruler. Dhruva, however, was com- 
pletely successful in his expedition; he appointed his eldest 
son Stambha to govern the newly conquered province. 

16. E. C.,XI, p. 41. 

17. See Wani-Dindori plates, 11, 9—10: I-A,, XI, p. 157, 

18. E, C., XII, Nanjangad No. 129. 


After the annexation of the-Ganga principality, Dhruva 
attacked the Pallava ruler and - besieged, his ,, capital 
A verse in the Radhanpur plates informs us that the Pallava; 
ruler ' was defeated and compelled to surrender a large number 
of" war-elephants to the victor. . 

After punishing his southern neighbours for siding with 
his elder brother, Dhruva turned his attention to Northern 
India. As DharmapMa of Bengal is known to have ■ marriedv 
a Rashtrakuta princess, Rannadevi, daughter of king Para- 
bala,^^^^ it was ones believed that Dhruva had undertaken the 
northern expedition as an ally of Dharmapala against their 
common enemy Vatsaraja, the Gurjara-Pratihara ruler. This 
view is, however, no longer tenable as the a of the 

Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, recently published, distinct- 
ly says that Dhruva fought also against the Gauda ruler in 
his northern expedition. The real motive of the northern 
campaign of Dhruva seems to have been to teach a lesson to* 
Vatsaraja, who had tried to espouse the cause of Govinda IL 

19. The identity of this RSshtrakuta prince is still uncertain. He 
cannot he Parahala of the Pathari pillar inscription, for the latter*s date 
is 861 A.D. (E, I., IX, p. 248). The reign of Dharmapala had ended 
about 50 years at least before that year, and therefore be could not have 
been Parabala’s son-in-law. Fleet had proposed to identify him with 
Govinda III {Dynasties, p, 198), but this ruler is not known to have had 
this biruda. 

20. Cf. wr i 

%gps^3rrf3r sfrsfrg; li 

21. The statement of Jinasena 


has to be understood to mean that Vatsaraja was ruling at Avanti'»* 
©specially since we know from the Sanjan plates that there was a 
Gurjara-Pratihara ruler at Avanti in the time of Dantidurga also. The 
Malava ruler, who helped Govinda II, must, therefore, have been this 
Vatsaraja or perhaps a local governor of his, and one of the reasons that 
induced Dhruva to undertake this expedition in the north musfc»have been 
to punish the Gurjara-Pratihara ruler for bis partisanship with Govinda If. 



Later on Dhruva may have attacked Dharmapala as well, as 
the latter may have tried to thwart his plans, regarding him as 
a possible nval in the overlordship of the north towards which 

iie liimseir was aiming. 

It is not necessaiy for us to enter into a detailed discussion 
^ the very complicated history of northern India of this period. 
Only facte, relevant for our enquiiy. need be referred t 
Ihe Gwalior inscription of Bhoja of the Gurjara-Pratihara 

dynasiy informs us that his great-grand-father Valsaraja hid 
wrested away the empire from the Bhapdi family. Kanaui 
in our period was occupying the position of Pataliputra in an 
ooner age. and we Imow from the Harshacharita that 
Bhan^iwas a maternal-uncle of Harsha. Indrayudha who 

r^d^r^d probably have been 

a d^cendant of this matemal-uncle of Harsha. and it is 
possible that his family in that k i 

Rhur.A;UA mk ^ ^ ^ ^ known as 

Bhapdikula. The statement in the Gwalior inscription that 

Bhandikula may 

^pport thyiew that soon after 783 A.D.. Vatsaraja attacked 

indrayudha does 

not seem to have been immediately deposed; for some time 
^continued to occupy the imperial thmne at Kanauj Ta 
^re puppet in the hands of the conqueror. This must have 
rous^ the lealousy of Uharmapala. who was also an aspirant 
for the overlordship of northern India. Dharmapala decided 
o champion the cause of Chakrayudha. who was probably a 
relative of Indrayudha. The Bengal ruler, however, suffered 
verse in the beginning ; for a verse'”' in the Wani-Dindori 

ri ! TT '^as elated by the easy victory 

that he had scored over the lord of the Gaudas The RencfT 

rfe. dote.,^ V hio, co„ld „« fcav. bTtorf. 
latter.s„cH„oTOto have saM ,„y ,,pediti„„ oat.y. 

22. A. S, R., 1903--1 p. 280. 

23. Cf. I 

24a. Likely to be publisbed in E. L. vol, XX or XXI 


province of Bengal The Sanjan ' plates, on the" other, hand, 
show that the armies of Dharmapala were operMfig, jn-tbe 
Ganges-Jumna Doab in the course of his wars with the 
Gurjara-Pratlharas. * 

At the time of Dhruva’s intervention in the northern 
Indian politics, Dharmapala had again rallied up his forces and 
advanced into the Doab with a ' view to capture Kanauj. 
Dhruva must have first attacked Vatsaraja, his immediate 
neighbour, in c. 7S9 A.D. The latter was probably engaged 
in meeting the second invasion of Dharmapala, and so Dhruva 
could get a decisive victory, capturing the two white umbrellas 
of the Bengal ruler which Vatsaraja had snatched away from 
him in a former battle. This defeat of Vatsaraja brought 
Dhruva into contact and conflict with Dharmapala, who 
was already in the Doab. Each must have regarded the 
other as standing in the way of the realization of his imperial 
ambition and a conflict was inevitable. , We have no details 
of the militaiy operations, but the Sanjan plates of Amogha- 
varsha I, distinctly asserl^^^^ that the defeat of the Gauda king 
took place in the Ganges -Jumna Doab. The statement in 
the Sanjan plates is confirmed by verse 22 of the Surat 
plates of Karka Suvariiavarsha, which I am at present editing for 
the Epigraphia Indica, where Dhruva and God Siva are both 
described as ‘ Gahgaughasantatinirodhavivrddhakirtih, 

There is a pun on the expression, and with reference to 
Dhruva, it can refer both to his imprisonment of the Ganga 
ruler, as well as to his campaign in Ganges valley. The term 
oiha is not very happy if taken in connection with the imprison- 
ment of the Ganga ruler. It can be more appropriate with 
reference to the campaign in the Ganges valley, when the huge 
southern army, consisting of elephants, horses and soldiers 


may have, while encamped on the banks of the Ganges? 
appeared to be obstructing the flow of that river either while 
bathing in it or crossing it across, „ 

in the Baroda plates of Karka Suvaraavarsha has now 
to be interpreted as referring to Dhr ova’s occupation of 
the Ganges- Jumna Doab; the poet imagines that the acquisition : 
6f heaven by Dhruva, which is mentioned in the latter half of 
this verse, was due to his being in possession of the holy 
Juimna and the Ganges. Prinsep s view that this verse refers to 
Dhruva s drowning himself in the confluence of the Ganges 
and the Jumna^^^^ can no longer be accepted. 

Dhruva s expedition in northern India was merely of 
the nature of a digvijaya. It probably brought him no substan- 
tial gain, apart from fame and booty, that might have been 
obtained. Boundaries of the Rashtrakuta empire did not 
alter as a result of his successes against Vatsaraja and 
Dharmapala. It does not seem that he was in a position to 
follow up his victories in the Doab by marching upon the 
capital of either of his opponents. He was far away his 
base; and perhaps he was too old to press his armies on to 
Kanauj. It is also possible that he was anticipating some 
trouble about the succession after his death, and was* therefore, 
anxious to return to the south in order to abdicate in favour 
of his favourite son Govinda. Whatever the real causes, the 
Rashtrakuta armies soon retired to the south, enhancing no 
doubt the military prestige of the empire, but adding very 
little to its area. 

Dhruva died some time between April 793 and May 
25. I. A., XII, pp. 157ff. 26. J. A. S. B., 1839* pp. 304 fL 


794 A.D/^''^ He was one of the ablest of the Rashtrahiita 
Fillers. During a short reign of about 13 . years ■ he . not: only- 
reestablished the Rashtrahuta ascendency in the south, which 
was seriously -endangered by his predecessor’s loose and 
vicious government, but made the RashtrakOtas an all-India- 
power# For the first time after the Andhra occupation of 
portions of Northern India, after a lapse of nearly nine centuries, 
a' Deccanese force crossed the Vindhyas^and .entered into, the 
very heart of Madhyades a, defeating each of the tivo rival 
claimants for the imperial position in the North. His depo- 
sition of his elder brother is an unfortunate circumstance 
casting reflections upon his moral character; but if Govinda 
was really a weak and vicious ruler, which certainly seems to 
have been the case, there was more than ample political 
justification for the step taken by Dhruva. His northern 
campaigns no doubt did not result in the enlargement of the 
Empire in that direction, but in the south, after the imprison- 
ment of the Ganga ruler, his dominions were annexed and, 
the boundary of the Empire was pushed to the Kaverf. 

Govinda III 

Dhruva had a number of sons. The names of four of 
them are known, — Stambha Ranavaloka, (Kambarasa in 
Canarese), Karka Suvarnavarsha, Govinda and Indra, and it 
is not unlikely that he may have had more. Stambha was a 
viceroy over the newly annexed province of Gangawadi,^^^^ 
Karka Suvarnavarsha was carrying on the administration of 
Khandesh, even before his father’s accession; Govinda, 

27. Dhruva was living when the Daulatahad plates were issued in 
April 793 and dead when the Paithan plates were issued by his son in 
May. 794 A.D. 

28. From an inscription at Matakeri in Myso-re district, we learn 
that Stambha was the governor of Gangawadi when DhSrSvarsha 
S'rivailabha was ruling the earth. E. C., IV, p. 93, 

29. E. Q,, IV. p, 93. _ . 

30. DhuHa plates of Govinda II, E. I., VIII, pp. 182 £f. 

and Indra, who 
at by Govinda, 
in the military 

the empire at its zenith 

who was selected by the father for succession 
was later put in the charge of southern Gujn 

were probably cooperating with their father in 

^ ° emperor must have realised that if a war of 

Xrd°forthe“t^ ^ong them must he 

apSSt heir- 

iL. „d £ °z: - tT” ™ 

as followed by a formal coronation, and Govinda was 

But the old emperor apprehended trouble in spite of the 

.LrLT“”T.''u“^ to at 

'^a quoted in 

he W, foottote would show. Goviud,. however, opts^ 

■ isproposi Sts difficult at present to determine JSther 
pri^i^d abdication did actually take place The Paithan 

’’ *“"''>«* 0»™Ja obtained the lowj!!! 
W his father a, a formal coronation-' and their iT 

Pemi,httmt‘s?Zf a “S' 

1. in these mcords wiUi ™fer.Z' t TnZttrsr 
31 . ^wmrnrgT r%s^=3jFn%»i}i%{w. „ 

ftcr%TfTO*f I 

^11^ tncr,,.i% njtiir ^i^ 

Radhanpur plates. E. I.. !V, pp. 242 ff. 


But it is equally probable tbat realising , that installation as a 
Yuvaraja was no guarantee against a war of succession, as was 
shown by his own overthrow of his elder brother, Dhruva 
may have actually abdicated, in favour of Govinda in spite of 
the filial protests of the latter. Govinda* s actual installation as 
an emperor, he may have thought, may minimise the prospects 
of his succession being opposed, after his death. In the present 
state of knowledge, therefo/e, it is difficult to decide whether 
Dhruva had actually abdicated towards the end of his career ; 
it may, however, be safely assumed that Govinda was the de^ 
facto ruler in full charge of the administration when his father 

The accession of Govinda III took place peacefully, for 
the Paithan plates, issued within less than a year of the death 
of Dhruva, do not refer to any war of succession. But Stam* 
bha, who was an elder brother of Govinda, was smarting under 
the humiliation of his supercession, and soon formed a formid- 
able confederacy of twelve kings to gain the throne to which he 
was legally entitled. The names of the allies of Stambha are 
not known, but we cannot be far wrong in assuming that they 
must have been some of the neighbouring and feudatory 
rulers who must have been smarting under the treatment 
they had received from the dead emperor. The San j an plates 
inform us that a number of high officers of the state also 
joined the cause of Stambha, 

33. Such was the case with the Ganga ruler whom Govinda had 
released, probably with the intention of creating a rival against his 
brother, who was governing Gangawadi. the patrimony of the released 
king. S'ivamara Muttarasa. the Ganga ruler, however, joined Stambha 
wbo, anticipating the imperial crown, may have promised Gangawadi to 
its legitimate ruler in order to get his assistance in the fight with Govinda. 
Fleet’s suggestion that the glorious Kattiyira who is mentioned as reign- 
ing over the earth, while DosirSja was governing Vanavasi 1200D, may 
have been an ally of Stambba, would be plausible only if we assume that 
this DosirSja was different from the DosirSja who was governing portions 
of Karnatak under Kirfcivarman in 757 A,D. (E.T„ - VI, pp. 253 ff.) 



Govinda had anticipated the storm and was well prepar- 
ed to meet it. By following a policy of conciliation he had 
endeared himself to a number of his feudatories, who 
now stood by his side. His brother, Indra, helped him 
zealously, and it was probably in recognition of Lis services 
on this occasion, that he was appointed to the Gujrat vice- 
royalty. Besides, Govinda was himself a great soldier and 
■skilful general He, therefore, soon defeated Stambha and his 
twelve allies and made his position secure. A verse in the 
Sanjan plates claims that Govinda treated his enemies 
leniently after the revolt was put down. Such really was the 
case, for the ring-leader of the confederacy, Stambha, was 
reinstated by Govinda in his Ganga governorship where he 
continued to govern at least till 802 

.Stambha was,, governing Gangawadi during Lis father's' 

life-time, and it is therefore very likely that the centre of cam- 
paign against him must have been south Karnatak. Govinda^s 
■expedition against the Ganga i-uler must have been under- 
taken immediately thereafter. Seeing a war of succession 
impending, Muttarasa, the Ganga ruler, ( c. 765 - c. 805 A.D, ) 
assumed imperial titles soon after his release from the 
Rashtrakuta captivity; he may have very probably joined 
the side of Stambha, who may have promised to restore his 
kingdom to him when he would become the Emperor. We can, 
therefore, well understand why the Radhanpur plates call him 
haughty,^^’^ and the Sanjan plates ungrateful Govinda 
defeated him easily, for the Radhanpur plates observe that 

34. Sanjan plates of Amogliavarsha, v. 17, E. L, XVlII, p. 244. 

35, Ihidi V. 18. 36. See note No. 39 below. 

37, In his earlief inscriptions, as Fleet has pointed out, his title is 
simple Ma’naraja whereas, in his Hoiawadi record he assumes the imperial 
title Konguni Rajadhiraja Parames'vara STlpurusha E. L» V,, pp. 
156458 ff. 

37. Cf. I E.I., VI, p. 242. 

38. Cf. : II v. 18. E.I. XVlIl p. 244.. 


■a mere frown was sufficient for the purpose. The defeated 
ruler was again imprisoned in c. 798 A.D., and Gangawadi was 
again annexed to the Rashtrakuta empire. Stambha was 
reappointed to the Ganga viceroyalty which he continued to 
rule down to 802 A.D. at least. ‘Later on he was succeed- 
ed by Chakiraja, sometime before the issue of the Kadba 
plates in 814 A.D. Grown wiser by the fate of Ganga. ruler, 
Charoponnera of Nolambawadi recognised the su2eraint3^ of 

.. Govinda next turned his arms to Kanchi. That kingdom : 
had been already once attacked by his father, but Govinda 
found it necessaiy to invade it once more, probably’- because 
its ruler had sided with Stambha. The Kanchi ruler was 
defeated sometime before 803 A.D.; for we learn from the 
British Museum plates of Govinda III, that at the time 
when they were issued in 804 A.D., Govinda was encamped 
at Ramesvara Tirtha, wLile returning from his victorious 
expedition against the Pailava king. Govinda^s victory was 
not decisive, for towards the end of his reign, he iiad to 
attack the Pallavas once more. 

Freed from the worries in the south, Govinda turned his 
attention to the east. Vishnu vardhana IV and Vijayaditya 
Narendraraja were his contemporaries, but since we have to 

39. A copper-plate grant from Manne, dated 802 A.D*, mentions 
Ranavaloka S'anclia Kambhadeva as the elder brother of Prithivivaikbha 
Prabhutarasa Govindarajadeva who meditated on the feet of Dharavar- 
shadeva. This grant was made by Stambha with the permission of 
Govinda, a fact which clearly shows that Stambha had been pardoned 
by Govinda and reinstated in the Ganga viceroyalty after the imprison* 
meat of the Ganga ruler. E. C. IX, Neiamangal No, 61. 

40. Some records from Chitaldurga district show that Charuponnera 

of Nolawbalge was a feudatory of This Govinda ia 

obviously Govinda III, E. C.. XI, Nos. 33-34, 

41. ' L' A., XI, p. 126. 



place the expedition against Vengi later than 804 A.D. his 
Chaluhya opponent was very probably Vijayaditya, who is 
taown to have ruled from a 799 to 843 A.D. Govinda attacked 
bm probably because of the old feud between the two houses. 
He was a new ruler ^d therefore a good target for an 
aggresswe conqueror. The Vengi ruler was defeated: a verse 
in the Kadhanpur plates states that he was compelled to 
prepare a compound for the conqueror’s stables, and another 
in the banjan plates of Amoghavarsha I describes the humilia- 
tion to which he was subjected, when compelled to cleanse 
the floor of Govmda s camp. The war which broke out at this 
time between the twostatgs. lingered for twelve years in which 
»= many as 108 battles are said to have been fought- 

, L • iifcive Deen rougnt; 

duimg^the lifetime of Govinda the victory seems to have been 
with the Rashtrakuta forces, but things changed with the 
accession of the boy emperor Amoghavarsha. 

After reducing to subjection almost all the important 
kings to the south of the Narmada, Govinda organised an 
expedition into northern India. Many new developments 
had taken place there since his father’s retirement to the 
south. Taking advantage of the crushing defeat inflicted 
upon Vatsaraja by Dhruva, and of the preoccupation of 
Govinda III m the south, Dharmapala had captured Kanauj 
and put his own nominee Chakrayudha on its throne with the 
assent genuine or forced, of most of the kings of Madhyade^a 
and the Punjab. But Dharmapala did not enjoy his 

jT fighting against the southern powers 


See Idara grant of Ammaraja r. I, A., XIH, pp, 55 

^ 1 ^ ^ PT IJ Bhagalpnr grant. 
Khalimpur grant of Dharmapala, E. I 



imperial supremacy in northern India for a long time* 
Nagabhata If, who had succeeded Vatsaraja on the Pratfhara 
throne, soon recovered his position, ■ He formed an alliance* 
as Dr. R, C. Majumdar, has pointed out, with the Mahomedans, 
of Sindh, the Chalukyas of Vengi, and the local rulers in 
eastern and western C. P., and attacked Dharmapala and 
Chakrayudha/^^^ His -attack' was ' successful and both 
Dharmapala and Chakrayudha were defeated. He then sub- 

jugated the territory round Dholpur and led an expedition to 
the west defeating the chiefs in Malva and northern Gujrat.'"'"^^ 
Nagabhata II was thus at the height of his glory and power, when 
Govinda III decided to attack him sometime in 806 or 807 A.D. 

The northern expedition of Govinda was boldly planned 
and skilfully executed. He entrusted a number of his 
generals with the work of subduing or keeping in check the 
rulers of Vengi, Orissa, Kosala and Malva, his brother Indra 
was sent to attack the Gurjara-Pratiharas in their home 
province, and then he himself proceeded in the direction of 
the Doab and Kanauj to attack Nagabhata himself some- 
time in 806 or 807 

45. E. L. XVin. pp.87ff. 

46. mm f 

Gwalior inscription of Blioja, A. S, R,, 1 903-4. 

47. Ibulv, 8. 

48. The Sanjan plates actually mention the name of the Gurjara- 
Pratlhara ruler as Nagabhata (y, 22). Before the publication of this 
record the name of the Gurjara Opponent had to be inferred, since it was 
given in no Rashtrakuta record. Buhler bad proposed to identify him 
with some member of the Chavotaka house. (I, A., XII. p, 158. ) 

49. Since the Gurjara defeat is mentioned in the Radhanpur plates 
issued in August 809 A.D;, and since Govinda was just completing Ms 
expedition against the Kanchi ruler in 804 A.D. the above conclusion 
about the date of this expedition will appear as very probable, when it is 
also remembered that the Vengi expedition was undertaken prior to the 
advance to the north. 


Apart from a few local reverses/^^' success seems to have 
attended Govinda s arms everywhere* The army under the 

Gujrat viceroy Indra was ultimately %'ictorious ; the Baroda 
plates of his son Karka, issued in 811-2 A.D., state that Indra 
was able to rout out single-handed the lord of the Gurjars. 
The expeditions against the central Indian rulers were equally 
^ccessful/®^’ After defeating the ruler of Chitrakufa 
Govinda himself marched into the Doab. Me defeated 
Nagabhafa 11 and apparently pressed right up to the Himalayan 
ranges. Nagabhata s defeat was fairly decisive; he had to 
retire to the deserts of Rajputana. Chakrayudha was a mere 
puppet and offered voluntary submission. Dharmapala also is 
said to have done the same, probably because he was 
shrewd enough to realise that it was politically uise to 
humour Govinda III, who had indirectly obliged him by over- 
throwing his greatest enemy, Nagabhata II. Govinda, he knew, 
would soon retire to the south, leaving him free to exploit 

the situation created by the defeat of the Guiiara-Pratihara 

_ Bahukadhavak, a contemporary and feudatory of Nagabhata II 
m Kathiawar, is said to have defeated a Karnataka army in a crant of his 
grandson Balavarman (E. I., IX. pp. 1 ff). This victory may^ have been 
a local success against the army of Indra, the Gujrat viceroy. 

51. The defeat of Ko^Ia king. Chaadragupta. is specifically men- 

tionedin ‘he v. 22 of the Sanjan record; v. 24 makes the general 
statement thapll the central Indian kings were reduced to submission 
by the generals of Govmda. E. L, XVI 11 p. 245. 

52. V. 23 of the Sanjan record refers to the resounding of the 
Himalayan caves by the noise made at the time of the bath of the army 
o Govmda in the Ganges. It is possible, however, that this resounding 
of the Himalayan caves may be merely poetic, and the armies of 
Govinda may not have marched much beyond the Ganges-Jumna Doab 
The RSshtrahu.ta records do not claim the conquest of Kanaufat tht 

time, and since Kanauj was not conquered, it is not li!-,.!,, , 1 . ^ V ■ , 
could have gone in the close vicinity of the Himalayas' ^ 

53. m^Wr ^ ^ HfcRrfr l Sanjin plates. Wd. 


Govinda*s expedition in northern India was merelj" of the 
nature of a digpijaya. He compelled both Nagabhata II and 
Dharmapala, each of whom waS' seeking, to make the titular 
-king Chakrayudha a puppet in his own .hands, to*- recognize 
his suzerainty. : He did, not annex any portions of their nor- 
mal', though he must have exacted heavy tributes 
from them. The same was the case with the central Indian 
rulers, perhaps 'with the - exception' -of -Mai va. We do not 
know who the Malva' ruler was, who' in the Wani-Dindori^^'^^ 
plates is described as submitting' to Govinda. He may possi-' 
bly have been a 'feudatory governor of - Nagabhata II, appointed 
. to' govern Malva when: his master- was preoccupied with the 
conquest of Kanauj. The statement in Baroda plates of 
Karka, issued in 812 A.D., that Karka was made a door-boit 
to protect Malva against the Gurjara attack, suggests that 
Malva was almost assimilated to the Rashtrakuta dominions 
-as a result of this expedition. ^ 

Govinda then marched westward and was welcomed by 
king Sarva at his capital Sribhavana or modern Sarbhon in 
Bharoch^^^^ district with the presents of the choicest heir-looms* 

54. !. A.. Xli, p. 157, 

55. An inscription hailing from Gudigeri in Dharwar district (E. L, 
VI, p. 257) which, on palaaographicai grounds can be assigned to 
c. 800 A.D., refers to a glorious maharaja, Marassalha by name, as 
ruling over that district. Fleet had opined {Ibid} that this ruler may 
be the same as king Maras'arva, who, in the Radhanpur plates, is described 
as submitting to Govinda at the mere news of his approach to the 
Vindhya regions. This view is, however, untenable. Maras arva was a 
petty ruler ruling at Sarbhon in Bharoch district as will become evident 
from the following reasons : — 

(i) The statement in the Wani-Dindori plates, that Maras'arva 
hastened to present his heirdooms to Govinda, as soon as his spies 
reported to him the arrival of the conqueror in the vicinity of the Vindhyan 
ranges, makes it abundantly clear that his dominion must have been 
in the vicinity of that mountain ; if he were really ruling in Dharwar 
district,, the advent of Govinda in the Vindhyan regions would not have 
frightened him, { OonUnued on the ?iext page ) 


Gavbda spent the major part of the rainy season of 808 A.D. 
at his capital, maturing the plans of the campaigns against 
the kings of the south, who had shown signs of insubordina- 
tion during his absence in northern India and formed a con- 
federacy against him/^^^ It was during his stay at Sarbhon 
that Amoghavarsha was born in the monsoon of 808 
Continued from last page 

(ii) The reference to the presentation of the choicest heir-loorns by 
Maras'^arva -would show that before that time, he was an mdependent 
ruler. But Dharwar was in the very heart of the Rashtrakufa empire 
under the direct imperial administration ; no independent king could 
have survived there down to c, 808 A.D. Marassalba of the Gudigeri 
record must have been a third-rate feudatory, — -supposing that he 
belonged to this period — ; for an inscription from the district of Shimoga 
shows that Rajdaityarasa was Govinda’s governor over Banavasi 12000, 
and that Chitravahana was ruling over Alurakhed 6000 under him at this 
time. [ See E. C., VI 11, Sorab Nos. 10 and 22 ]. 

(iii) At the beginning of the monsoon of 808 A.D. Govinda’s army 
had just returned after prolonged operations in Northern and Centra! 
India, and it is therefore very unlikely that he would have subjected it to 
a long march to the Tungabhadra, The fact that the Radhanpur plates 
were issued from Mayurakhindl in Nasik district in July 808 A.D. would 
also show that Govinda did not proceed to the south, immediately after his 
northern campaign but spent the rainy season in the north. S'ribhavana 
ought to be, therefore, identified with Sarbhon in Bharoch district, and 
not with Shiggaon, the headquarters of BankapurTaluka in Dharwar dis- 
trict, about 30 miles north of the Tungabhadra, as Fleet has suggested. 
There is also some phonetic difficulty in identifying Shiggaon with STi. 
bhavan. The same difficulty is encountered in considering the view* of 
Wathen that S^rlbhavana, where Govinda was encamped, is modern 
Co wldurg in Mysore. 

(iv) The Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, recently published, 
show conclusively that Sb-ibhavana is Sarbhon in Bharoch district. They 
describe the capital of Maras^arva, as situated in the Narmada valley 
at the foot of the Vindhyas (v, 25), This description applies very 
accurately to Sarbhon in Bharoch district* and not to Shiggaon in 
Dharwar district. It need not be added that king S'arva of the San- 
jan record is the same as king Maras^arva of the Radhanpur plates, 

56. Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha, v. 30 E. L, XVII!, p, 246. 

57. Ibid. vv. 26-27, 



From Srlbhavana or Sarbhon he proceeded to the sooth 
to teach a lesson to the Dravidian kings who had formed an 
alliance against him. The members of this confederacy were 
the rulers of Gangawadi, Kerala, Pan4ya, Chola and Kanchi 
kingdoms. These were all of them defeated/ Several 
battalions of the Ganga army, or perhaps some members of the 
royal family, were put to the sword, Kanchi was once more 
occupied, and the Chola and Pandya kingdoms were overrun. 
The fate of these states frightened the king of Ceylon who 
hurried to offer submission, sending his own statue and that 
of his minister to Govinda, while the latter was encamped at 
Kanchl/^^’^ Govinda sent them on to Malkhed to be put in 
front of a Siva temple as columns of victory. 

The southern campaign, which was undertaken subse- 
quent to the monsoons of 808 A,D., must have required at least 
two years and may have terminated sometime in 810 or 811 
A.D. Govinda probably undertook no more expeditions; he 
was getting old, his end was approaching, and towards the • 
close of his reign he must have been occupied in making some 
arrangements to ensure the succession of his only son, Amogha* 
varsha, who was born as late as in 808 A.D. Govinda was alive 
on the 4th of December 813 A.D, when the Torkhede plates 
were issued by him. His death took place soon thereafter, 
for there is evidence to show that Amoghavarsha ascended 
the throne sometime in the next year. 

58, Jbtd, V, 30 59. JMd, v. 33 

60. im V, 34, 

^ it 

ft is clear from this verse that the statues were transported from 
Kanchi to here i Malhhed from where the plates were issuedi 
It is, besides, very unlikely that Govinda would have ever thought 
of erecting these Kirtistambhas at Kinchl which he had only 
temporarily occupied. 


Govinda was, psrhaps, the ablest of the Rashtrakuta em- 
perors* He not only put down the confederacy that was form-' 
ed to oppose his accession but also enhanced the prestige" of 
his kingdom and added to its area, Malva in the north and 
Gangawadi in the south were annexed to the empire. Both 
Nagabhata and DharmapMa, who were aspiring to the impe- 
rial position in the north, were overthrown by him. The victo- 
rious march of his armies had literally embraced ail the terri- 
tory between the Him^ayas and Cape Camorin. Even the 
king of Ceylon was terrified into submission. Never again 
did the prestige of the Rashtrakutas reach this high level 
Indra III, no doubt, conquered Kanauj but he could not 
proceed beyond the North Pennar in the south. Krshna III 
had indeed conquered al! the states defeated by Govinda III 
in the south but could not enter the Madhyadesa and 
defeat the principal kings in north India, The statement of 
the Wani-Dindori plates that with the advent of Govinda III 
the Rashtrakuta djmasty became invincible to its enemies is 
no boast of a court panegyrist but a plain statement of fact. 

The success of Govinda was due to his bravery, states- 
manship and power of organisation. He is compared to Partha 
in the Baroda plates of his nephew Karka,^^^^ and the Naosari 
plates^®^^ issued by the same ruler describe how Govinda was 
accustomed to plunge straightway into the thick of battle 
without caring to consider the odds against him. His fondness 
for sport also attests to active habits and personal braveiy. 
His successful campaigns in the north and the south attest to 
his generalship and power of organisation. His victory over 
Stambha at the beginning of his reign speaks volumes for his 
diplomacy. His creation of theGujrat viceroyalty^®^^ under his 

62. 1. A., XII, pp. 158 ff. 63. J. B. B, R, A. S., XX, pp. 135 ff. 

64, I, A., Xl, pp. 126 ff. 

65, ft is usually supposed that Gujrat was reconquered by Govinda 
and handed over to his brother Indra, But no record, contemporary 


7 ! 

brother Indra not only secured the ■northern boundaries of the 
empire, but enabled his child successor to regain the throne* 
For, both Indra, who predeceased him, and his son Karka, 
were loyal. to the imperial throne and defended, it against 
internal and external enemies. 


Amoghavarsha I and the Gnjrat Branch . .. 

As shown already Govinda III was alive in December 
813 . He died early in the first half of the next year^^^ and 
was succeeded by his only son Amoghavarsha. He was a boy 

Continued from last page 

or later, attribules the conquest of that province to him. The word is vara 
in the expression ‘ ’ which occurs in the Baroda plates 

(Ij A., XII, p. 160) may well be due to metrical exigencies. It may be 
pointed out that the Baroda plates of Dhruva il use the expression 


Pimpri plates of Dhruva is a resident of Jambusara would also suggest 
that southern Gujrat was included in the Rashtrakuta kingdom before 
the accession of Govinda III. 

66. Bhagwanlal Indra ji*s view that Indra aided certain Rashtrakuta 
feudatories, who had risen against Amoghavarsha, (B. G.. I, i., p. 124) 
was based upon a wrong interpretation of a verse in the Baroda plates. 
Indra was dead before the accession of Amoghavarsha and, therefore, 
could not have helped any feudatories against him. 

L Sirur inscription of Amoghavarsha I { E. 1., Vll, p. 203 ) is dated 
in the 52nd year of his reign, the day being the new moon day of Jyeshfcha. 
S' aka 788. The new moon day of Jyeshtha, S'aka 737, which must 
have fallen sometime in May or June of 815 A.D., must have therefore 
fallen in the first year of Amoghavarsha^s reign which, therefore, must 
have commenced sometime between May-June of 814 and May*June 
of 815. The death of Govinda may probably have then taken place in 
the first half of 814 A.D. 


of six at his accession and Govinda, foreseeing his approach- 
ing end, may have arranged for a regency during his son's 
minority. Karka Suvarnavarsha, a son of his brother Indra 
of the Gujrat branch, who had loyally stood by his side during 
the revolt of Stambha and others, was selected as the head of 
the regency/'"^^ and for some time the administration continued 

(2) The statement of v. 35 of the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I 
that Govinda III went to heaven because, inter alia, the one son, he had, 
was able to hear the yoke of the three worlds, would no doubt suggest 
that Amoghavarsha was a grown up youth at the time of his father's death. 
But this statement is more poetic than real and is contradicted by the 
earlier statement in vv. 25-6 of the same plates, that he was horn at the 
close of the northern campaign of his father. 

(3) This inference is based upon the fact that all the records of the 
Gujrat Rashtrakuta branch, which mention the restoration of Amogha- 
varsha give its credit to Karka. The recently published Sanjan plates of 
Amoghavarsha I, however, tell us that it was with the help of Patalamalla 
that the boy emperor could regain the throne. But the Surat plates of Karka, 
which I am editing, give the credit of the restoration to Karka himself. 
These plates were issued in May 821 A.D. and are thus almost a contem- 
porary document; and their testimony can hardly be brushed aside. The 
discrepancy between these two records can be explained in two waysJ 
(1) Patalamalla may have been another relative or feudatory of Amogha- 
varsha, who may have co-operated with Karka in overthrowing the con- 
federacy against the boy-emperor. The Gujrat branch records would 
naturally ignore him and give the entire credit to Karka who belonged 
to it. (2) Or, Patalamalla may be the same as Karka, the former being 
an epithet of the latter. Paitalamalla is obviously a hiruda rather than 
a proper name ; Bhagwanlal Indraji avers that it was a hiruda of Karka, 
but cites no authority for the statement { B. G., I. i., p. 124 ). It is not 
improbable that he made that statement on the authority of some un- 
published Rashtrakuta record, like the Baroda grant of Dhruva II to 
which he refers, but which is yet to see the light of the day. But so far, 
no published records including the Surat plates of Karka himself, %vhich 
I am editing for the Epigraphia Indica, assigns this hiruda to him. I he- 
lieve that it may eventually be found out that Patalamalla was a hiruda 
of Karka, as BhagwSnlal had asserted. Were he really a different rela- 
tive or feudatory of Amoghavarsha, it is difficult to imagine why the 

P* P. 0. 



to be carried on without any bitch; 'for. the Naosari plates of 
Karka Suvaniavarsha, which were issued in SI6 A*D.> tnentioii 
Amoghavarsha as the ruling emperor and are altogether silent 
about the revolt and the part which their donor had played in 
quelling it 

But clouds were gathering fast. .Almost at each pre- 
vious succession there were troubles, and the presence of the 
boy emperor on the throne must have aroused imperial ambi- 
tions in several hearts. There arose factions in the imperial 
family ; ministers became disloyal ; the Ganga ruler, who had 
been set at liberty, declared independence and sheltered rebels 
\ against his feudal lord; feudatories began to kill imperial 
\officers and assert their own independence and the heredi- 
tlary enemies of the empire began to invade it. No records 
nave handed down the names or the localities of the rebels. 
They were completely successful for a time. Amoghavarsha 
was deposed and there followed confusion and anarchy, 
probably because the rebels must have begun to fight among 
themselves for the imperial crown. The records, published 
so far, enable us to determine the time of this rebellion only 
very roughly ; it is not mentioned in the Naosari plates issued 

Continued from the last page 

SanjSn plates of Amoghavarsha should ignore him altogether and give the 
whole credit of the restoration to Pataian>al!a. It is possible to argue 
that the omission of Karka in the Sanjan record is deliberate ; his des- 
cendants having rebelled against Amoghavarsha. the latter may have na- 
turally ignored the services that he had rendered to him, in a document 
that he had issued when the memory of that rebellion was still fresh in 
his memory. This explanation is, however, not quite convincing, and I 
will prefer to assume that PStalamalla was a biruda of Karka. 

4. J. B, B. R. A. S.. XX, pp. 135. 

5. Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha, vv. 38-39. 

6. V, 40 of the Sanjan plates describes the setting of the Rashtrakuta 
sun Amoghavarsha and v. 41 his subsequent rise, A later record also 
says that Amoghavarsha regained the throne which he had lost. See 
Kapadwanj grant of KvshJja II, 910 A.D., E. I.. I.» pp. 54 ff. 


in 816 A.D. v/hereas its quelling is described in the Baroda 
plates of Karka’s son,'Dhruva, issued in 835 A,D, The Surat 
plates of Karka, which I am editing, enable us, however, to 
determine the time of the rebellion almost accurately. They 
were issued on the 13th of May 82 i A.D., and describe the 
restoration of Amoghavarsha to the throne, brought about b}?^ 
the exertions of Karka. It is, therefore, clear that the rebellion 
took place sometime between 816 and 821 A.D. It may have 
very probably lasted for about 3 or 4 years, since the descrip- 
tion given thereof hy the Sanjan record makes it clear that it 
was a very serious and prolonged affair. 

Karka, alias PMalamalla, soon retrieved the situation. We 
do not Imow what steps he took to restore the boy emperor to. 
the throne, but the Surat plates issued by him in 821 A.D. malce; 
it clear that he was completely successful before May of tha| 
year. At his restoration, Amoghavarsha was still a boy of 
12 or 13 and the entire credit for his reinstatement must, there- 
fore, go to persons other than himself. 

Idar grant of Amma I of the eastern Chaiulcya dynasty 
refers to a 12 years’ war waged by Vijayaditya 11 with the 
forces of the Rattas and the Gangas^^^ sometime between 
c. 799 and c. 843 A.D. This war took place in the beginning 
of his career and we have seen how Govinda IJJ, who 
commenced it, was successful in his own The later 

period of this war coincided with the early years of the reign 
of Amoghavarsha, when there was complete anarchy in the 
Rashtrakuta empire. At this time, Vijayaditya must have 
carried everything before him. V. 13 of the Begumra plates 
of Indra III states that Amoghavarsha I raised the glory of his 
house that had sunken deep in the Chalukyan ocean this 
statement no doubt occurs in a late record, but there is nothing 
improbable in Vijayaditya having fully exploited his successes 
by helping the rebels to oust the boy-emperor, whose father 

7. I. A., XIV, pp. 197 ff. 8. See ante, p. 64. 

9. E. L, IX. p. 24. 



had put him to the humiliation of being ■compelled to cleanse 
his court-yard. Nay, the rebellion itself may have arisen as a 
result of VijayMilya*s successes. 

In the Sirur grant of Amoghavarsha I, dated 866 
he is being represented as being worshipped by the ruler of 
Vengl Three later records supply more information in this 
connection. The Sangli plates of Govinda issued in 

933 A.D. stale that a right royal feast was offered by Arnogha* 
varsha I to Yama on the battlefield of Vingavalli, where he 
met the Chalukyas and the Abhyushakas. The Karhad plates 
of Krshna IIJ, issued in 958 observe that the wrath 

of Amoghavarsha I was not extinguished even when the 
Chalukya house was burnt to ashes. The Karda plates of 
Karka II describe him as the fire of destruction to the 
Chalukyas. It is, therefore, clear that Amoghavarsha had 
signally defeated the Vengi ruler sometime before 866 A.D. This 
defeat cannot be placed in the first half of the 9lh century; 
for Vijayaditya was upon the throne till c. 843 A.D. and the 
wording of the Idar plates of Amma makes it clear that he 
was ultimately successful against the Rashtrahotas. Arnogha^ 
varsha was not in a position to inflict such a defeat for a 
pretty long time after his attaining the majority, as he w^as 
soon thereafter involved in a war with his GujrH cousins and 
had besides to face a number of minor risings. 

The success of Amoghavarsha against the Vengi forces 
has to be placed sometime about 860 A.D., when he had 
emerged successful from the preoccupations above referred to, 
The king of Vengi defeated by him was then Guriaga 
Vijayaditya (c. 844--C. 888 A.D.), It is no doubt true that the 
Idar grant, above referred to, states that after defeating the 
Gangas and hilling Mangi, this ruler had frightened Krshna 
and burnt his city, the name of which is given as Kiranapura, 



int e Maliapundi grant; this incident, however, refers to 
the reign of Ki’shpa II and not to that of liis father Amogha- 
, varsha 1. The statement in the Rashtrakuta records, that 
Amoghavarsha finally inflicted a crushing defeat upon the 
Vengi opponent* is supported by some of the Chaluhya records 
themselves. The Idar grant, above mentioned, observes that 
after the time of Gunaga Vijayaditya, the Vengi kingdom was 
occupied by Rashtrakuta forces and that Bhima had to 
reconquer it from Krshnall, sometime after his own accession 
in c. 888 A.D* The claim of the Rashtrakuta records to a crush- 
ing victory over Vengi is then correct, and we may place it 

sometime about c. 860 A. D. 

Dr. D. R, Bhandarkar has recently shown that there 
are no real genealogical discrepancies in the Konnur inscrip 
tion of Amoghavarsha I ; we would, therefore, be justified 
assuming that though the record was put on stone about 
couple of centuries later than the time of the events it 
it must have been based upon a genuine document, 
thi s record i t appears that the reign of Amoghavarsha was 
period of internal revolts and that before 860 A.D. at least 
serious rebellions had broken, challenging the imperial autho- 
rity. The first of these was the one that had broken out when 
he was a child, the second when he was engaged in his wars 
with his Gujrat cousins, and the third sometime later. 
Details about these revolts are not given, but it seems that the 
third was a veiy serious one^^^^ when the situation was saved 
only by the timely arrival of his Banavasi viceroy, Bahke^^'a. 
It would seem that Krshna, the heir-apparent, had joined the 
rebels, and Bahkeya defeated and destroyed the enemy forces 

14. E. L, IX, p. 48. 

15 . 

16. E. I., XVIIl, pp. 236-7, 

17, See Konnur Inscription, vv, 28-9, E. I., VI, pp. 30 If, 


when Krshna had left ■ In .return his loyalty and 

signal services, Bahkeya was made the governor of Banavsi 
12,000, Belgol 300, Kundarge 70, ' Kundur 500 and 
Purigeri 300. 

What with these internal revolts and what with his na- 
turally spiritual temperament, Amoghavarsha had neither the 
time nor the inclination to take energetic part in the politics 
of northern India. The revolt of his Gujrat cousins, which 
will be soon described, had also seriously handicapped him. 
His Gurjara-Pratihara contemporary, Mihira Bhoja, was ex- 
tending his dominions right upto Kathiawar, but Amogha- 
varsha did not lift even a finger to arrest his progress. Had he 
the ability or the temper of his father, he would surely have 
opposed tooth and nail the Gurjara-Pratihara expansion just 
beyond his own borders. Nor does he seem to have interfer- 
ed much with the affairs of Bengal. A passage in his Sirur 
inscription no doubt states that the ruler or rulers of Anga, 
Vanga and Magadha also paid homage to him. But some 
of the Pala records also claim that Narayanapala had defeat- 
ed a Dr-avida king, who must in all probability have been 
Amoghavarsha I himself. The conflict with Gauda kingdom 
must have taken place towards the end of his career, sometime 
after the defeat of the Vengi ruler. It would seem that after 
occupying Vengi maniala the generals of Amoghavarsha ad- 
vanced through Orissa further eastwards, when they may 
have come into hostile contact with Vanga forces. Only a, 

18. Cf, ^ I 

f^rff^r wc: ii 

t’<%c3T m u 

19. A marcli through Baghelkhand and Bihar was impossible owing 
to the rise of the Gurjara-Pratlharas. Amoghavarsha’s conflict with the 
Gauda ruler could not have taken place before the rise of Mihira Bhoja, 
for he had not attained majority before 830 A.D. His own position was 
for a long time very insecure. 


few minor skirmishes may have happened and they too of an 
indecisive nature ; as a result each side was free to claim the 
defeat of the other. 

The Sirur record of Amoghavarsha I states that the lord 
of Malva was also a feudatory , of that: emperor. , It,- is not 
, possible to identify this feudatory; he could not .have been the 
ruler of the whole of eastern 'and western Maiva* for the larger 
. part of that territoi^y was under the influence of the Giirjara- 
Pratiharas. Parmaras rose to power under Upendra sometime 
-after '900 A. D. ; so Amoghavarsha S', feudatory could not have 
-been that ruler. He may' probably- have been some petty 
local magnaieo no'W professing allegiance tO' Bhoja and then to 
Amoghavarsha I,' according to the exigencies ' of the political 

Shiaharas were- -put' in charge of Konkan by KrshpaL In 
the time of Amoghavarsha Pullasahti was ruling that province 
as a Rashtrakuta feudatory from his capital at Puri or 
modern Elephanla. Gujrat and Konkan, however, continued 
- to be governed by Gujrat Rashtrakuta feudatories down to 
B88 A,D., as the Bharoch' plates of Krshna II show. , 

Amoghavarsha’ s policy towards his southern neighbours 
-.was also a. defensive one. From his Ko.n.nur inscription, we 
learn that his Banvas! vi.ceroy Bankeya had defeated a Ganga 
chief who may have been P^^hvlpati II, who claims to have 
saved king Dindi’s son from Amoghavarsha On another 

. occasion he had crossed the Kaveri and invaded the territories 
beyond, but was compelled to retire by a sudden and urgent 
call of his master to quell a rebellion. These southern expe- 
ditions seem to have been , rather defensive than offensive ; 
even Gangawadi, which had recovered its independence 
towards the beginning of his reign, could be annexed no more. 
Amoghavarsha had to follow a policy of conciliation, and an 

20. L A„ XIII. pp. 134 fl. 

21, Udayexidiram plates oF Prthvipati II, S. I. L, 11, p, 384, 

.careers; 0.F, .'INDR.A :AN:D-, KARfCA 


alliance was brougiit about with the Gangas, which was 
cemented' by ■ the; marriage of 'his' ■, daughter Chandrobeiabba 
with' the Ganga crown' prince Bhutuga. " 

Giijrat Rashtrakita Branch 

' v Gujrat Rashtrakuta branch founded by Indra was, roughly 
speaking, contemporary, with the...; life-;.of ■■ Amoghavarsha 1 . 
It would be convenient to discuss. its .history from the beginning 
to, the end at this place,, as it is- essential to do so to undei> 
stand, the career of Amoghavarshap-roperly. 

Sometime after ,' his accession Govindallf put his younger 
brother Indra in charge of southern Gujrat, probablyjn c. SOC A.D, 
He was thoroughly loyal to his eider brother, protected 
the province assiduously and cooperated with his feudal lord 
in defeating Nagabhata II. Soon thereafter he died, for we 
find that his eldest son Kark'a Suvarnavarsha. was ruling the 
Gujrat kingdom in 812' A. From the Torkhede plates 
issued in December of the next year, we find that Karka's 
■younger brother was then occupying some important adminis- 
trative post, having the power of creating sub-feudatories/®^^ 

Karka’s valuable services to the imperial house, when 
he managed to restore Amoghavarsha to the throne, have 
been already described. Karka was probably acting as 
regent for the boy -emperor in his minority throughout, and 
may therefore have spent most of his time at Malklied. It 
is usually supposed that his younger brother Govinda, who 
had issued the Kavi plates^®"^ in 827A.D., was a usurper 

22. The lines I 

in the Baroda plates of Karka refer to Iac3ra*s successful intervei 
with Govinda III in favour of southern feudatories, who had jo 
Stamhha, and not to any hostile action against his imperial overlord 

23. Baroda plates. L A., XII. pp. 157 ff. ■ " 

24. E. L, in. pp. 53 ff. 

25. ‘ !. A., V. p. 146, 


but this view ignores the most significant fact that Govinda in 
these plates devotes as many as full four verses to the praise 
of the administration of his brother Karka, and two of these, 
which contain a very genuine and heart-felt tribute, do 
not occur in any grant either of Karka himself or of any 
of his descendants. Is it likely that a usurper or rebel 
would go out of his way to describe in glowing terms the 
administration of the victim of his usurpation It 

appears to me that all the known facts can be explained by 
the assumption that Govinda of the Kavi plates was simply 
Karka’ s deputy, acting on his behalf during his stay at 
Malkhed, while engaged in acting as Amoghavarsha’s regent 
Kavi plates do not refer to Govinda’s accession at all It 
is true that they refer to Karka as “ Sunurbabiiuva Khalu 
tasya mahanubhavah, ” but the verb babhuva need not denote 
that Karka was dead; for the Torkhede grant of Govinda 
uses precisely the same line for Karka, although there can 
be no doubt that Karka was living when that grant was 
issued in 8i3 A.D. Dhruva, who succeeded Karka in c* 830, 
was not his eldest he was probablj?' an inexperienced 

youth during his father’s absence in the south, whereas 
Govinda was already a responsible officer in 830 A.D. Karka, 
therefore, may have naturally selected him to act on his behalf 
during his absence* At the time of the Kavi plates, he was 
still merely the regent, since he does not refer there to his 
accession. The later records of Gujrat Rashtrakutas omit 

26. Cf. I 

flrcfn^f 5 f it 

I. A., V, p. 145 it 

27. E.L, in. p, 53. 

28. Baroda grant of Karka refers to another son, Dantivarman, 
■who was the JDutalca of that grant. He must have been then a grown 
tip youth. Since Dhruva succeeded his father. Dantivarman may have 
probably predeceased him. 


:l>rotlier', against 
of his have be 

le genealogy, not because he was a usurper, but 
was' never a ' Je jaf 6 ruler. The supposition that he 
against Amoghavarsha received some support from 
the fact that his Kavi plates take the genealogy of the main 
line down to Govinda III, and omit Amoghavarsha altogether. 
But this omission was accidental ; for if Govinda was a rebel 
against Amoghavarsha he must have been an enemy of Karka 
as well; for the latter was championing the cause of the 
former. In that case Govinda would not have praised his 
whom he was fighting. Nor would a favourite 
been selected by Karka*s son, Dhurva I. as the 
ient of a land grant. 

Karka Suvarnavarsha was succeeded by his son Dhruva I 
alias Dhlravarsha in c. 830 A.!).; , we have a land grant of 
his. issued in 835 A.D., wherein he recognises Amoghavarsha 
as his feudal lord. But very soon thereafter, the Gujrat 
►ranch was entangled in a long war with a king called 
llabha, which lasted for three generations. Dhruva I lost 
life on the battle-field while repelling the forces of his 
enemy, his followers joined the enemy and his son Akala** 
varsha S'ubhatuhga too had to regain his ancestral dominions 
from the enemy, mz, king Vallabha. His victory over his 
enemy, however, was not a decisive one, for his son Dhruva II 
had to continue the fight. He had to face a powerful Gurjara 
army on one side and the forces of Vallabha on the other 
And his relatives had grown disloyal and an unnamed younger, 
brother of his was conspiring against him.^*^^ He was 
able to tide over this situation with the assistance of his brother 
Govinda. We find him firm upon the throne in 867 A.D., when 
he had emerged victorious from the crisis. 

The identity of king Vallabha, the enemy of the Gujrat 
line, presents some difficulty. The Gurjara-Pratihara ruler» 

29. See Baroda grant of Dliruva II, I. A., XIV, p. 197. 

30, See Baroda grant of Dhruva II, I. A., XIV, p. 197. 


Bhoia I. was at this lime engaged in subduing Central India. 
Northern Gujmt. and Kathiawar ; and one is tempted to con- 
dude that the long-drawn war of the Gujrat house may feve 
been with him. But the name of the enemy-king is stated to 
be Valiabha, and Bhoja is not known to have been known by 
that title. This title. Valiabha, makes it clear, that the oppo- 

nent of the Gujral branch was a Kashtrakiita ™ier. There 
were several Rashtrakuta feudatories under the Malkhed hou^ 
who had to be subdued by Amoghavarsha before he couid 
regain the throne. Was this king Valiabha who was fighting 
with the Gujrat house for about twenty-five years (c. 838- 
c 863 ) a Rashtrakuta feudatory of Amoghavarsha, or was he 

rf yng 

the existence of a Rashtrakuta fami^iy in Malva durmg the 
first half of the ninelh century. Ihis inscription which is 
dated 861 A.D.. informs us that an unnamed elder brother ol 
leija. the grand father of Parabala, had conquered Lata 
countiy. after defeating the Karnataka army, and that his 
father Karkaraja had inflicted a crushing defeat upon a kmg 
called Nagavaloka. It cannot, however, be mainiamed that 
Dhruval, hisson.and grandson were engaged in fighting 
with a king or kings of this Rashtrakura branch. It is no 
doubt true that Jejja’s elder brother is represented as the 
conqueror of Lata. when,Dhruva and his successors were 
ruling ; but Akalavarsha Subhatuhga had lost his thrown in 
his war with Valiabha in c. 840 A.D.. while Jejjas elder 
brother must have flourished much earlier, as his grandson 
was ruling in 861 A.D. It is possible to argue that Jena’s elder 
brother conquered Lata in c. 840 A.D. from Akalavarsha 
Subhatuhga and was succeeded not by Jejja hut by his son 
Karkaraja, and that the king Nagavaloka defeated by the latter 
may have been Akalavarsha or his son Dhruva of the Gujrat 
line with an aou/ok -ending epithet. This argument, besides 
32. E. I.. IX. p. 248. 



being based upon an unproved assumption that Nagavaloka 
was an epithet of Akalavarsha or Dhruva II, ignores the fact 
that the Pathari pillar record nowhere states that Nagavaloka 
was a ruler of Lata or Gujrat. The fact, that even the name 
of Jejja’s elder brother, who had conquered Lata, is not 
mentioned in Parabala’s record, suggests that Parabala and 
his father Karka had nothing to do with Lata, and, therefore, 
could not have been the enemies of the Gujrat 

33. The identity o£ the elder brother of Jejja, who had conquered 
Lata, and of king Nagavaloka who was defeated by his nephew, Karka, 
is stiil a matter of uncertainty. The avaloka -^ending epithets were 
peculiarly associated with the Rashtrakutas ; Dantidurga was Khadg^va* 
loka, Govinda II was Vikramavalota, a relative of his, Vijayaditya, 
at whose request he had issued the Alas plates, was Manavaloka, 
Stamhha was Ranivaloka, Nanna and his grandson Tuhga of the 
Bodhagaya record were Gundvaloka and Dharmavaloka respectively. 
It is possible to argue, especially since we know from the Konnur record 
that Amoghavarsha had to face several rebellions of his feudatories, that 
Nagavaloka, the opponent of Karka, was Amoghavarsha himself. But 
Nagavaloka as an epithet of Amoghavarsha is not known from any 
record, and the Pathari inscription does not give the least hint that the 
war with Nagavaloka was a war with the Malkhed RSshtrakutas. Under 
the present circumstances. Dr. D, R, Bhandarkar*s theory that Jejja was 
a younger brother of Govinda III and Indra and his son Karka had 
cooperated with him in defeating Nagavaloka or NSgahhata 11 of the 
Gurjara-Pratlhara dynasty seems to he the most probable one (i. A., XL, 
pp. 239-40). Karka’s reign may be placed between c. 810 and c. 840 A.D. 
and that of Parahala between c. 840 and c. 865 A.D. Nagavaloka's identity 
with Nagabhata I! is rendered all but certain by a statement in 
PrabhSvakacharit^ according to which, Nagavaloka. the grand -father of 
Bhoja I, died in c. 834 A.D. The date of the death of Bhoja’s grand- 
father seems to be wrong since Bhoja himself is now known to have 
ascended the throne earlier than 836 A.D. ( Ahar plates of Bhoja, 
E. L,XIX, pp. 18 ff,). But Prabhavakacharit mB.y be right in stating 
that NSgahhata veas also known as Nagavaloka. it is very likely that 
Karka may have been appointed by his uncle Govinda III to rale over 
Milva after its conquest and annexation* 



The Vallabha of>'ponent of the Gujrat branch was ari: 
obviously powerful ruler and he could not have been a 
mere feudatory. We have, therefore, to identify him with 
Amoghavarsha I . himself^^^\, 'Pi’thvivailabha and 
Lakshmivallabha^*^®^ are known to have been his epithets, and 
these may have contracted, into, simple vallabha. The 
Begumra record of . Dhurva and Gujreit plates''"'' oF 

Dantivarman further make it quite clear that Dhriiva I,:. 
Akalavarsha, and Dhruva 11 were fighting against one and the 
same enemy, a fact which supports the identity of Vallabha 
with Amoghavarsha, since he was a contemporary of all these 
kings. From the Konnur record we further know that 
Amoghavarsha was twice deserted b 5 ^ his feudatories in the 
latter half of his reign and could not retain his hold upon the 
throne without the help of his zealous general Ba2ike3"a. It 
would, therefore, appear that the friendly relations betweeti 
Amoghavarsha and his Gujrat cousins came to an end soon after 
835 A.D*; either Amoghavarsha was ungrateful or Dhruva I be- 
came too overbearing, puffed up by the consciousness that it was 
his father who had restored Amoghavarsha to the throne/"^®^ 

34. Bkagwahlal Indraji had seen in the following verse of the 
Kapadwanj grant of Krshna U (E. I., f, page 54) an evidence of Amogha- 
varsha’s invasion and devastation of the coastal tract between Bombay 
and Cambay in his war with the Gujrat Rashtraklltas {B.G.,I, i., p. I26| :<— « 

9g?arwicl4'iT; ... ... ... I 

But the third line shows that 1 , 2 refers to the trouble at the beginning 
of the reign and therefore “ Kailthikabhi’' must be regarded as a mistake 
lor “ Kant ®^k^b ban.* V 
j 35. Kanheri inscription, I. A., XIII, p, 133, 

: 36. Nilgund inscription. E. I., VI, p. 99, 37. I. A., XI! p, 179 

^ , 38. E. I., VI. p. 287. 39. E. !„ VI. p. 29. 

I not likely that the rebellion of the Gujrat house was 

instigated by the Gurajara Pratihairas, for in one place, we are definitely 
'i / ' informed that the 'Gujrat house had to face King Vallabha on the one 

! j hand and the Gurjara ruler on the other. (Begumra grant, I.A., XII, p, 179} 



A war broke out in which Amoghavarsha was first success- 
■ful. AkMavarsha, however,, managed to regain the throne 
after defeating the imperial forces. Amoghavarsha then 
•recalled Bahkeya, who had 'been sent to reconquer Ganga- 
wadi, and with his assistance ''he'was once more able to 
harass Akalavarsha and Dbruva !L It would seem that 
ultimately sometime is- c. 860 A. D., a' peace .was concluded, 
probably because Bhoja I had threatend an invasion, Dhruva II 
.may have consented to recognise. Amoghavarsha’ s sovereignty 
and Amoghavarsha may have helped him in frustrating Bhoja s 
plans. Bhoja’s invasion was not apparently a serious 
one, and Dhruva claims to have repulsed it single-handed 
sometime before 867 A.D.^^'^^: This seems to be the only.. 
.c>ccasion when Bhoja I and the Rashtrakutas came into conflict 
with each other. Neither side seems to have been anxious 
to renew the old historic wars between the two houses. 

, It would be' conv-eeient to discuss the remaining history., 
of the Gujrat branch at this stage though it continued to rule 
■down to the reign of Amoghavarsha’s successor. Dhruva II 
had three brothers, one of whom had joined his enemy. Of 
the remaining two. Govinda had rendered him valuable assis- 
tance in his wars with Amoghavarsha, and Dantivarman was 
ruling under him as a local governor in 867 A.D. This latter 
succeeded him some time after 867 A.D., and in 888 A.D. 
we find Dantivarman’ s son Krshiiaraja Akalavarsha upon the 
throne. This Krshnaraja participated in his feudal lord’s 
wars with the Gurjura Pratiharas and claims to have defeated 
the enemy at Ujjain/^^^ 

Soon after 888 A.D., the Gujrat branch came to an end. 
The reasons for its disappearance are not yet known. On the 

41. Cf: ffit ^ t 

Begomra plates, L A„ XII, p, 154* 


one hand, we do not know of any successor of Krshiiaraia 
and on the other, we find that Kyshija II and Indra III were 
directly administering Southern Gujrat. 

The territories over which the Gujrat branch ruled were 
bounded on the north by the Mahi. The Baroda grant of Karka 
grants Baroda itself, his Naosari plates were issued from 
Kaira; Baroda plates of his successor Dhruva I were issued 
from Sarvamangala near Kaira ; all these show that the Mahi 
was the northern boundary/*^* The territory beyond was 
being governed by the feudatories of the Gurjara-Pratihara 
empire. The southern boundary seems to have varied ; 
according to an unpublished Baroda grant of Dhruva II. dated 
867 A.D., his dominion stretched from the Mahi to the Nar- 
mada only.^^*’ But a copper plate of this very monarch issued 
four years earlier grants a village near Naosari,''*®’ showing 
, that his jurisdiction had then extended upto the Tapi. The 
strip of the territory between the Narmada and the Tapi 
seems to have been transferred between these two dates to 
the Silaharas of Konkan by Amoghavarsha I, The Surat 
plates of Karka, which I am editing at present, grant a piece 
of land in Amba^taka, a village near Naosari, showing that 
in his time the Tapi was the southern boundary. It is very 
likely that Amoghavarsha may have granted the territory bet- 
ween the Narmada and the Tapi as a reward for the loyal 

43. Fleet suggests the possibility of the Rhshtrakuta rule having 
extended for some lime right upto Sindh after the fall of Valabhi, since 
two Arab writers. Ibn Hauhal and A1 Istakhri state that the RSshtrakSta 
kingdom extended from Kambaya to Saimur.' This view, howeW, is 

^tenable, forKambayaandSaimurarenoton the confines of Sindh. 

1 he first IS Cambay at the mouth of the Mahi and the second is Chaul 
30 miles to the south of Bombay. It is not improbable that some por-' 
tion of the territory near the mouth of the Mahi may have been lost to 
Balavarman or his feudal lord Bhoja I soon after 867 A.D. See Una 
inscription of Balavarman. E. I., IX, p. I. 

U. Referred to by Bhagwanlal Indraji in B. G. I. i o 127 
45. Begumra plates, I, A., XII, p. 179. 



■'Services of ' Karba* vdhdcE the ' Gujrat', 'Rashtraldltas;^ 

■to hold . 'It was\probabIy taken away, from them' 

at 'the end of ^the long ieud with Amoghavarsha l* ' 
their authority 'Could not have extended beyond the; longitude. 
■75r for the ' Ujjain kingdom was not permanently included:; in; 
the Rashtrakuta empire. 

Let us now revert to the career of . Amoghavarsha. His 
latest known date is Phalguna Suddha 10, Saka 799 { L e, 
March, 878 A.D.) when the Jayadhavala-tika of Virasena was 
finished. He had at this time completed the usual allotted 
span of human life and ruled for about 64years/^^^ His death, 
therefore, may well be presumed to have taken place not long 
after this date. We may place that event in c* 880 A.D. 

Krshna II, who succeeded him, is the only known son 
of Amoghavarsha, Chandrobelabba, who was married to 
the Ganga Crown Prince Bhutuga, is the only daughter of the 
emperor/^^^ :.■ .r; 

Amoghavarsha’ s reign was long, but it was not brilliant 
from the military point of view. During his rule Gangavadi 
and Malva were lost to the empire. The defeat of the Vengi 
ruler Gunaga Vijayaditya was the only substantial military 
achievement, Amoghavarsha did not, like his father and grand- 
father, intervene in the politics of northern India, although 
there were provocations enough for such an intervention* 
The frequent internal revolts that broke during his reign left 
him no time to undertake an expedition in the north. He does 
not. besides, seem to have been a military leader or a lover of 
war, like his father and grand-father. It was rather peace,. 

46. R. G. Bkandarkar had suspected that there might he something 
wrong about the dates of Amoghavarsha on the ground that it was very 
improbable that a king should have ruled for so long a period {Early 
Mistory of the Deccan. svkpp\^m&nt-g,%). But the Sanjan plates hav 
now shown that Amoghavarsha was a child of six at his accession ; he 
could, therefore, have ruled for 64 years. . 


! r 

literature and religion that attracted him« He was either t he 
author or the inspirer of Kavirujamuf^a, the earliest work in 
■Canarese on poetics. He was a patron of literature; Naga- 
varmanll (a 1150 A. D.), Ke&aja (c. 1225 A.D.) and Bhatfa- 
.kalanfea, (c. 1600 A.D.) . all agree in staling that Amoghavarsha 
was very liberal to men of letters/^^^ His Sanjan plates also 
aver that he was more liberal than the famous Vikramaditya 
■himself In religion Amoghavarsha had great leaning 
towards Jainism. Jinasena, the author of Adipiwana , claims 
that he was the chief preceptor of Amoghavarsha/ 
fianitasarasam^raha, a Jain mathematical work by Mahavlra* 
charya, written in the reign of Amoghavarsha, describes him 
as a follower of Syadyada. Though there can be thus 
no doubt that Amoghavarsha was immensely impressed by 
.the gospel of Mahavira, he had not altogether ceased to 
•.believe in the tenets and beliefs of Hinduism. He was 
a devotee of Mahalakshmi and the Sanjan record slates 
:t^l he had on one occasion cut off and offered one of 
•the fmgers of his left hand to that Goddess, in order to 
ward oft a public calamity. That this is not a cock-anddmll 
■stoiy ts proved by the unexpected confirmation of the Sanjan 
record oy the Karnatahasaahdams'asanam of Bhattakalahalca. 
n jf- Nrpatuhga excelled Bali twice. 

Uadhichi three times, and Jimutavahana a hundred times and 
;^ibi certainly a thousand times.<s^> These comparisons 
remind us of the wording of v. 47 of the Sanjan plates, ivhere 
dso the sacrifice of his finger by Amoghavarsha is compared 
to he sacrifice of Jimutavahana. S'ibi and Dadhichi. and shown 
to be immensely superior to theirs. 

; Amoghavarsha thus not only listened to the precepts of 
i-eligion. but also practised them. The concluding verse of 

5o’ EG Sanjan plates vv. 47-48. 

^ 50. B. G. I., „.p. 200. Amoghavarsha referred to fcy these writers 

AdipnrSija was com-. 

pieted m the rejgn of Krishna ii. 51. L A., 1904, pp. 197 ff. 

MAO' :amqghavarsha A 


.Pras nottaramalika wa^' first to,,, inform us that its author* 
Amoghavarsha* had abdicated, convinced of the futility of iife. 
This stateroent;' 'W believed by all, for. the' authorship: 

of this poem was ascribed in some quarters to Sahkarachaiya 
and in' others to. Vimala. The Sanjan record affords conclusive' 
evidence that Amoghavarsha had abdicated v. 47 informs us 
that he had given up the kingdom more than once. It would 
seem that he was often putting his Yuvaraja or the ministry in 
charge of the administration, in order to pass some days in 
retirement and contemplation in the company of his Jain gurus. 
This again shows the pious monarch trying to put into practice 
the teachings both of Hinduism and Jainism, which require a 
pious person to retire from life at the advent of old age in 
order to realise the highest ideals of human life. 

We can now understand the discrepancy between the 
"Saundatti record of Prthvirama^*^^^ according to which 
Krshna II was ruling in 875 A.D., and the Kanheri record 
according to which Amoghavarsha I w^as on the throne in 877 
A,D. Even before 861 A.D., when the Sanjan plates were 
. issued, Amoghavarsha had abdicated more than once; during 
the concluding years of his reign, his retirements from the 
administrative duties must have been more frequent and pro- 
longed. He may have been at that time only a theoretical 
sovereign, his son Krshna being the de facto ruler for all 
practical purposes. It was, therefore, natural that in the 
documents issued in this period, there should be some con- 
fusion as to the name of the ruling king; some would mention 
the name of the de jure ruler, and some of the de facto one. 

52. j. B. B, R. A. S., X, p, 200. It may also be added that the date 
of this record is not quite above suspicion, Pj'thvirama's grandson was 
ruling in December 980 A.D. ( Ibid, pp, 211 ff. ) ; it is. therefore, not 
very likely that his grandfather could have been upon the throne in 875 
A.D. To get over this difficulty Fleet has suggested {B. G., I., ii, p, 211, 
note 1 ) that Prtbvirama's overlord may be taken to be Krsh^gia lil and 

• not K|shigia Hi The date of the record goes, however, against this view, 

53. L A., XIII, p. 135. 


From Krishna II to Govinda IV 

Krishna II 

Unlike most of his predecessors, Kfshna II could ascend- 
and retain the throne without a war of succession* The exact 
date of his accession is still not possible to determine, but it 
cannot be much later than March 878 A.D., which is the last 
known date of his father, since the latter was by that time 
more than 70. We may, therefore, tentatively place his acces- 
sion in c. 880 

Krshna II had to engage in wars %vitli most of Lis 
neighbours. On the south, he had to fight with the Gan gas 
and the Nolambas, on the east with the Vengi Chaluky^as, and 
on the north with the Gujrat Rashtrakutas and Gurjara-Prati- 
h^as. He was the son-in-law of Kokkala, the Chedi ruler/*^ 
and his son Jagattuhga was married to Lakshmi, a daughter 
of his wife’s brother Sahkargana alias Ranavigraha. He 
derived considerable help from these Chedi relatives 
in times of need. The statement in the Bilaharf 
inscription of Yuvaraja II that Kokkala had conquered 
the whole earth planting Bhojaraja and Krshnaraja as his 
columns of fame in the north and south respectively, is not 
to be interpreted and understood too literally to mean that 

1. The earliest known date of Krshna 11 is S88 A.D* supplied 
by the Bettigiri inscription. ( E. I., XIII, p. 189 ) An inscription from 
Kunimellihaili in Dharwar district, dated 896 A.D., refers itself to the 
reign of Mahasamantadhipati Kannarvallabha. It is quite certain that 
Krshna was not a Yuvaraja at this time. The feudatory title applied to 
him in this record must he either an accidental mistalce, or Kannaradcva 
of the record was different from K^shija 11 . The later alternative is 
improhahle. as Dharwar was at this time under direct imperial adminis- 
tration, the local governor being Lokaditya, the son of Bankeya, the 
famous general of Amoghavarsha, 

2, Sangli plates of Govinda IV, I, A,, XII, pp, 247 ff» 

’ 3. E. I., I, p. 156. 


Koldsiala had defeated his son-in-law Krshna IL It simply 
means that he had ^rendered assistance ' tO' him, an interpreta-- 
lion, which is supported by the Benares plates of Karnadeva, 
which simply say that Kohkala had extended protection to 
JCrshDa and, vBhoja, 'Kokkala*s ' conciuests ,are ' nowherO' 

described, and it is not unlikely that he may have derived 
his importance from his family connections with the- 
Rashtrakutas and possibly : with the Gudara-Pratlharas. 

The political relations between the Chalukyas of Vengi 
and Krshna II are very difficult to determine at present 
A synthesis of the known facts in this connection presents 
almost insuperable difficulties, Vijayaditya III (c. 844-c. 888 
A,D.) and Bhima I (c. 888~c. 918 A.D.) were the Chalukya 
contemporaries of Krshna IL We have seen how Amogha^ 
varsha claims to have defeated the Vengi ruler and how the 
Idar record admits that towards the end of the reign of 
Vijayaditya III, Vengi Mandala was overran by the Rat|a:S.'V: 
The Kaluchamburu grant* however, states how Bhima I 
defeated a great army sent by Krshnavallabha along with 
some relatives of his own and then protected the earth/ 

It is, thus, clear that Bhima I succeeded in regaining indepen- 
dence for his house sometime in the reign of Krshna IL 

But the relations of Vijayaditya III with the Rashtrakutas , 
after his defeat by the latter are still a great mystery. The 
Idar plates inform us that Vijayaditya III attacked the Gangas 
at the instigation of the lord of the Rattas, cut off the head of 
Mahgi in battle, frightened Krshna and his ally Sankila, and 
burnt their capital whose name, however, is not stated. The 

4. E, !., n. p. 396i 

5. cf . 1%^ I 

^ u 

mm t 


kiiiiog ol' Mangi was an undoubted nistonc iact; it is rererrea 
in several eastern Chalukyan records and tlie Musuli- 
pattan plates of Vijayaditya III himself record a grant to a 
Brahmana, Vinayadiaarman by name, who had suggested to 
the grantor the way to kill Mangi while the battle was 
raging. From the Maliyapundi grant we learn that Maiigi was 
a Nolamba chief, and that Sankila, who had joined with fierce 
Vallabha was a ruler of Dahala country/^^ The same grant 
tells us that the city burnt was Kiranapura and that Krshna 
was statying there at that The Pithapuram inscrip- 

tion^^^^ of Mailapadeva, however, states that Vijayaditya burnt 
Chakrakota, frightened Sankila (who was residing at Klrana- 
€o7iUnued from last page 

f ccir (?) I 

^ II 

The expression * in this verse is translated by Fleet 

as ‘ Challenged by the lord of the Rattas/ but the root does not 

possess the sense of challenging. 

7, The Pithapuram inscription describes the incident with a grim 
humour; Gf. 

n jy, p. 233 v. 9 . 

iaiw|55rtrff^ra#^ ii 
1% ^3m>n^wicgcn%5rss; « 
aw 3IW i e. i., v. p. 

9- fw ^ JtPr iTfreift 


10 . t e. i.. ix, p. 5 i. 

11. I 

ftswffnis ^swTOi;, il 

E. 1 ., IV. p. 239. 



pum and was helped by Krshna), acquainted (lit united) 
Vallabhendra with his bravery ( L e. by defeating him ), and 
^cepied elephants from the Kalinga ruler. And finally we 
ieam from the Kalachumbaru grant that Vijayaditya III w’-as 
worshipped by king Vallabha who could be obviously none 
other than Krshna II. 

The above-mentioned exploits of Vijayaditya divide 
themselves into two parts : those performed in the south and. 
those in the north. We have already seen how Vijayaditya 
was signally defeated by Amoghavarsha I. . , It seems that' ' 
after this defeat either Amoghavarsha or Krshna II suggest 
ed to the defeated ruler the idea of attacking the Gangas and 
their feudatories, the Nolambas, offering free passage to the 
Vengi army and probably some help also in men and money/ 

can mean ’ who restored (Krshna ) 
to his dignity * as well. It will he shown below that the known 
situation requires a sense similar to the one suggested in the text. Th6 
root *yu^ means to unite as well, as to separate ; the translation* 

* who separated Krishna from his glory ’ would be better still, 

I3. Cf. the expression ‘ * ^ in the Jpassage quoted iet 

the foot mote No. 6 above. This lord of the Rattas who incited the 
Vengi ruler could not have been Pritbvlrama, the Ratta feudatory of 
Krshna II; besides being a petty ruler, be was not an immediate neighbour 
either of Vijayaditya or of the Gangas to make his incitement to the for^. 
mer to attack the latter psrobable. I freely admit that the theory advanc* 
ed in the text above that Vijayaditya attacked the Gangas at the insti« 
gation of his enemy Amoghavarsha or Krishna 11 looks a little unconvinc* 
ing. In politics, however, the enemies of today become friends of to* 
morrow ; the conduct of Greece and Italy in the last world war is a per. 
tiaent example. It is possible to argue that the Ratta chief, who incited 
Vijayaditya, may have been a hitherto unknown feudatory Rashtrakuta 
ruler, whose advice the Vengi ruler may have followed without any sus*» 
picion. The term Rattes'a, however, can hardly be appropriate with refer, 
ence to a mere feudatory and can properly denote only the Rashtrakuta 
emperor ruling at the time. Fleet’s view that Vijayaditya was challenge 
ed by the Rattas to attack the Gangas is also unconvincing, for ‘ sancho. 
dita* cannot mean * challenged by. ' The theory propounded above im 
the text is therefore the only oiie' that; explains the facts known so faist 


from a !1. TO GOViNDA IV 

The suggestion was a diplomatic one, for whosoever may 
succeed in the campaign, th# RashlTakutas were bound to be 
benefitted as both the Gangas and the Vengis were their ene* 

■ mies; and the defeat or stalemate would weaken either or both 
©f them. At this time .(c. 870-880 AO.), Satyavakya Kohgmiib 
varma Butuga 1 had just come to the throne or his father 
Rachamalla s reign was drawing to a close. It was, therefore, 
a nice opportunity to attack. The' Nolambas of Noiambawadi 
who were the feudatories of the Gangas, had to bear the brunt 
of tbe attach as Noiambawadi lay between Vengi-mandala 
and the Ganga territory, Vijayaditya defeated Nolamba army 
killing, probably by some trick/^^V its general Mangi, who 
seems to have been a relative of the ruler of Noiambawadi. 
He then advanced into Gangawadi and besieged and 
apparently captured a fort/^^^ 

Emboldened by these successes Vijayaditya and his 
nephew, Yuvaraja Bhima, must have tried to throw off the 
Rashtrahuta yoke, especially since K^shna II had just ascended 
the throne. With this end in view Vijayaditya led some 
daring raids in the north-eastern portions of the Rashtrahuta 
empire. The passages quoted in foot-notes Nos. 6, 9, 10 and 
11 make it clear that Krshpa and Sankila, who were the 
opponents of Vijayaditya, could only have been Krshna II 
of Malkhed and his brother-in-law Sankula or Sanharagana 
of the Chedi house. The passage in the foot-note No. 9 

14, In the passage quoted in foot-note No. 9 above we find VijayS- 
ditya making a grant to a learned Brahmana on the occasion of an eclipse 
as a reward for the advice that he had given in the thick of battle 
vhich enabled him to kill Mangi. Since Vijayiditya could bring about 
the death of Mangi by following the advice of a Brahmana who, to judge 
from his name and from the fact that he is the donee of a grant made 
on the occasion of an eclipse, was a non-fighter, it is probable that 
some trick may have been played to bring about his death. 

15. It may be pointed out that about half a century later the 
Chalukya ruler of the time, Amma I. was also engaged in fighting with 
fe combination of the Gangas and Nolambas. E. I., VI, p. 47. 



distinctly says that Sanhila was a mler of Dahala and 
the S4ngli plates<“> of Govinda IV inform us that 
Krsh4a 11 was a younger sister of Sankula. ^ ° ’ 

SaXila of the passages quot^ in * 

is iviously the same as Sankula of the Sangh plates. 1 his 
ciclusion is further supported hy the localities tnentioned m 
^nnection with this raid. The passage m the fooi-note No. 11 

lefers to the burning of Chakrakuta and tins is the same 
r'the fort of Chakrakotya in the centre of Bajar state. 

' Kiranapura^®' which was subsequently besieged or burnt has 
S t yet been identified, but I tlunk that it is the same as 
Kirinpur. a small town in Baleghat distnct of C. P. about 
150 miles to the north of Chakra^ta or Chakrakot^a.^^ y 
construing together the verses in foot-notes 
it becomes clear that Kiraiiapura was 

orKtshna, but that these rulers were for the time be g 
staying in that city. Ktshna. the ally of Sankila. c^ be none 
oSlr fhan his brother-in-law Krshna II. Jouveau Du^euil s 
Seo^Xt he may be the Ganga-Pallava Pnthvl-Krshna 
faZtbe accepted, since both Chakrakuta and Kiraiiapura 
lay far away from the Ganga-Pallava 

be Kishiia of theGuirat Rashtj^ta branch The epithet 

• Ugravallabha” given to Sanhila s ally.^’^> 

was a great ruler and not a petty feudatory. Besides. Sankila 

16. I. A.. XII. p.247. . , 

17. Chakrakotya occupied a strategic position and was. in later times, 

captured by Rajendra Chola. See S. I. * • V r 

18. Fleet had conjectured 7x 1 102 

. . /r . .g jJo 11) is now confirmed by the Maliyapundi 

record (foot-note ^ f Krshpa. The latter may have 

?o?of this place there is now no scope for conjectures. 

19. See foot-TOt« ' 


.a,h„ ^ *, o, , trzz™cz° 

from the batt e-field. Nor can Sankilas dly ttr 
he founder of the Paramara dynasty, firstly because 
not a ruling prince m c. 880 A.D.. and secondly becaus 

not bear the epithet of Vallabha Th^ I ^ i ^ ^ 

who flourished in c 880 aTJ l 
Jh <5 I • 1 ? who could have mn 

in Sanhilas battles near Chatrakuta and Kiranapurl 
Rashtrah^a emperor Krshna 11. who was SanlT ' 

in -law. The verse in the foot-note No !i do 
rti. iam&ation , fo, Vailabhmdra i„ claul I W 

need not be taken as different fmn-j k ^ 


' the situation afte- 

successor Bhima i claims to haw 
Jp Karnataka allies in the 
d Feruvanguragrama/®« Bhima 

his successes; for his 
ightinginthiswar. It may. how- 

a authority trained aup.a™ 

^-adaji. in ChWdurj District 

aaradavaskinsdo^asa ‘d'" 




of war was Malva ; a fragmentary Pratihara inscription from 
Bhavanagar Museum, recently published/^^^ refers to the 
Narmada in connection with Bhoja’s attack on a king called 
Krshnaraia, who must be obviously Krshna II ; and. the 
Begumra plates of Krshna of the Giijrat braiich, i dated 
B88 tell us how the grantor feudatory defeated the 

enemy at UjjayinI, while king Vallabha was watching the army 
movements, Begumra plates of Indra inform us that 

old men vividly remembered in 914 A.D. (w^hen the plates were 
issued) the. brave feats of the late Rashtrakuta emperor in the 
sanguinary wars with the Gurjaras. The crovsm prince Jagat- 
tuhga also participated in these wars as also the Chedi 
ruler/ These wars seem to have profited neither party ; they 
may have been of the nature of the frontier affrays. From 
A1 Masudi, we learn that the Gurjara-Pratiharas used to 
maintain a strong force in the south to keep the Rashlrakutas in 
check/"^^ frontier clashes were therefore inevitable, and victory 
must have remained some time on one side and some time on 
the other. Krshna was too weak to think of emulating the 
example of Dhruva I or Govinda III, and Bhoja was too old tO' 
undertake a serious expedition against his southern neighbour/^^^ 

22, E. L, XIX., pp. 174-7. 23. L A., Xill. p. 66, 

24. E. I., iX, p. 24. 25. 1. A., XO. p, 265. 

26. Elliot: Ilistoi^y of lniMat Vo], I, p, 22. 

27. In his historical appendix to lIttaTapurtt77.a, which was completed 
in S' aka 820 i.e, 908-9 A.D,, the elephants of Ki|;shna are represented 
hy Gunachandra to have drunk the waters of the Ganges and enjoyed 
the cool shade in the forests at Cape Kamorin. cf:— 

I cl 1% I 

^FT ^ gf r !i 

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Ms. No. 1191 of 

1886-91. folio 360. 

This is conventional praise ; we know that Bvvshna*s rule did not 
extend beyond Banavasi 12,000 and so his army could not have reached 
Cape Kamorin. Similarly his soldiers could not have entered the waters 
of the Ganges as the Gurjara Pratihara rule was firmly established in tho 
Ganges vally. 

fill? ^ 




It was some time in the last decade of tlie 9tli century^ 
that the career of the Gujrat Rashtrakufa branch came to an 
Old SS8 A,D. is the latest date, so far known, for its last 
ruler Krshna, when he was fighting at Ujiayim under his 
ieudal lord Krshna IL But soon thereafter t!ie two rulers 
became enemies and a war ensued, Sangli^^^^ and Cambay 
plates of Govinda IT refer to the evacuation of Khetaka by 
the enemies of Ki-shna II ; this must refer to the expulsion 
of the Gujrat ruler Krshna or his successor from Kaira/'^'^^ 
We come across no inscriptions of the Gujrat branch after 
888 A.D.; the Kapadwanj grant of Krshna 11, dated 910 

■ ::reveals 'the existence of a new feudatory Prachanda of 

■ Brahmavaloka house. To judge from the names of its mem* 
bers, : this seems to have been a Canarese family, ruling 
■under direct imperial supeiwision over the Kapadwanj Kaira' 
area, which was formerly being governed by the Gujrat 
Eashtrakutas, In the time also of the next ruler Indra III 
we find Gujrat being directly controlled from Malkhed. In 
his Begumra plates of 914 A.D* Indra regrants a village named 
Trenna, which had been formerly bestowed upon the donee* s 
ancestors both by Dhruval and Dhruva II of the Gujrat branch* 
The donee’s descendant was anxious for a regrant of the 

? village, obviously because the grantor’s family was no longer 
I in power in southern Gujrat We may, therefore, conclude 
i that the Gujrat branch came to an end in c. 900 A.D. 

Krshna II was not an able and gifted ruler like his 
* grand-father. His only military achievement was the defeat 
and destruction of the Gujrat branch, which certainly was 
not a very great exploit, considering how petty that kingdom 

28, I. A., VoL XII. pp. 247, 29. E. I., VO, p. 29. ' 

30. The view that Khefaha in this passage is the same as Malkhed is 
hardly tenable. Milnyakheta is nowhere known to have been referred 
to as Khetaka ; whereas the ancient name of Kaira was Khefaka* 
Besides M^nyakheta is not known to have been occupied by any enemies 
at this time. 31, E. L, I. p. 52. 

estimate OE KftlSHMA 11 


was. He could just maintain his own against Bhoja I and 
Mahendrapala* and he was worsted by Chalukya Bhima of 
Vengi. ‘Gangavadi, which, had seceded from the Rashfrakuta 
empire during the weak rule of his father, could not be 
reconquered by him/®^^ He was just able to maintain a sfaim. 

and that too with the assistance of his father-in-law and 
brother-in-law. Like his father he was a Jain; Gi^abhadra, the 
famous Jain author of the last five chapters of Adipurana was 
his preceptor/^^^ There is no sufficient evidence to investigate 
into the question as to how far the adhesion to Jainism of 
Amoghavarsha I and his son Krshna II was responsible for 
the military and political decline of the Rashtrakuta empire 
during their rule. It may, however, be pointed out that a 
number of fervent followers of Jainism like Bankeya, ChMukya 
Narasimha, Srivijaya, and Nolambantaka Narasimha were 
very able and fiery military leaders. [See also, supra. Chapter 
XII!, section C, in this connection.] 

Indra HI 

Krshna II was succeeded by his grandson Indra III. His 
son Jagattmiga had predeceased him; both the Karhad^^^^ and 
Deoli'^^^^ plates of Krshna III inform us that Jagattunga was 
taken- ; to heaven^ by the Creator before his accession to- the ' 
throne, as if at the pressing request of the heavenly damsels. ' 
Nausari plates of Indra III describe him as meditating on 
the feel of Akalavarsha, showing that Indra III was the 
successor of Krshna II, and not of his own father Jagattunga- 
The latest known date pf Krshna II is 912 A.D. but the 
aged emperor lived for two years more. He died towards the 
close of 914 A.D.; for w^e know from the Nausari plates of 

32, Ml/sore Inscriptions, No. 113. p, 29» 

33. J. B. B. R. A. S.. XXll, p. 85. ■ 34. E. L. IV, p. 278. 

■ 3$. E, !,. V. p. 190. 36, J. B. R. A. S.. XVIII, pp. 253 ff; 

37. ■ E.€ , Vni. Sofab Ho. 88; 


Indra III that he had gone to Kurundhaha^^^’ from his capital 
Manyahheta on the 7th day of the bright half of Phalguna. 
S aka 836 (24-2-915 A.D.) for the purpose of Pattabandhotsava 
or coronation ceremony. Since on this occasion Indra granted 
afresh four hundred villages resumed by previous rulers, it 
must obviously have been the time of his formal coronation. 
His accession, which was a peaceful one, could not therefore 
have taken place much earlier. 

Indra was probably a man of 33 at the time of his acces- 
sion and he ruled for about five years only. His career, if 
short, was a brilliant one. Before his formal coronation in 
rebrua^ 915, he had sacked Meru and conquered a king 
named Upendra who had annexed or relieved Govardhana. 

The historical information conveyed by the second quarter 
ol this verse is still a mystery. Kielhom thinks that Meru 
may be Kanauj.‘^»> Dr. D. R Bhandarkar suggests that 
Upendra may have been another name of Mahipala the 
Guqara-PratThara emperor ;<«> both these suggestions’, be- 
sides being based upon pure assumption, ignore the significant 
fact that the f^ts, referred to in the verse in question, were 
performed by Indra before his coronation. It is almost incon- 
ceivab.e that Indra would have carried out his expedition 
against K^aui during the short interval between his father’s 
death,and his own formal coronation. Upendra. conquered 

by him, seeins to be the Paramara chief Krshnaraja, who, 
according to the Udaipur Pra4asti. was also known as Upendra- 
raia. Vakpati alias Muhja, who was a contemporary of 
Tailapa, ( c. 980 A.D. ) was Upendra s great grandson. The 

38. R.G. Bhandarkar identifies Kurundhaka with Kandoda on the 
Tapti. B. G.. I, ii, p. 203. It is equally possible that the place mav be 
Kurandwad m Kolhapur state. 

39- I 

^ ^ J. B. B. R. A. S., XVIII, p. 253. 

40. E. VI!. Appendix p. 16 n. 2. 41. Ibid, pp. 38 ff. 


known dates.of ' Siyaka, grandson of Upendra, range from 
949 to 973 A.D.V Upendra*s' . rule, therefore, must have 'beea^ 
between c#. 900-925 A.D. ■ Paramaras were in the beginning 
very probably .leudatories' of the Gurjara-Pratiharas ; at- their- 
instigation Upendra seems to have attacked Govardhan in 
Nasik district at the beginning of Indra’s reign. Indra defeated 
him, compelling the Paramaras to transfer their allegiance to 
his own house. The Harsola grant attests to the fact that the 
Paramaras' were professing ■ allegiance to the Raslitrakutas 
subsequent to Indra s conquests/^^^ 

The defeat of the Paramara chief Upendraraja was only 
a preparatory step to the contemplated invasion of northern 
India, After the death of Mahendrapala in 908 A.D., there were 
troubles of succession at Kanauj ; his son Bhoja II could retain 
the throne only for about two years. His younger brother 
Mahipala wanted to oust him. The Chedi ruler Kokhaia had 
espoused his cause and was for a time successful ; but 
Mahipala soon managed to get the throne, probably with the 
assistance of some feudatories. The dissensions in the Imperial 
family must have divided the feudatories also into two 
camps, rendering the task of an outside invader the reverse of 
difficult. The lime of the invasion of Indra HI was thus very 
opportune ; he had not to break any formidable confederacy 
as Govinda III had to do, when he attacked Nagabhata, nor 
had he to cross swords with two powerful claimants for the 
supremacy in Northern India, as Dhruva and Govinda III had 
to do. The achievements of Indra III were, however, more 
dramatic than those of his predecessors. 

Unfortunately we have no detailed information about this 
campaign. From the Cambay plates we learn that he first 

42. Report o£ the third Oriental Conference, Madras, pp 303-308. 

43, Cf , #1% efl'TO’W 4^ | 

^ ’TTTO H E. L, il, pp 306*7, 


attacked Ujjayim/^^^ then crossed the Jamuna and finally 
captured Kanauj itself. Mahipala, the Gurjara-Pratihara 
emperor, became a fugitive and was pursued by Chalukya 
Nirasimlia, one of the generals of Indra. The poet Pampa, a 
protege of Narasimha, informs us that his patron * ‘plucked from 
Gurjara king's arms the Goddess of victory, whom, though 
desirous of keeping, he had held too loosely. Mahfpala fled as 
if struck by thunderbolt, staying neither to eat nor to rest, nor to 
pick himself up, while Narasimha pursuing bathed his horses 
at the junction of the Ganges and established his fame. 
Mahipala seems to have been pursued upto Allahabad. 
The testimony of the southern records as to the defeat 
and flight' of Mahipala. is confirmed by a fragmentaiy' Chan- 
della inscription from Khajuraho/^^^ from which we learn 

to ii 

Agreeing with my predecessors 1 have assumed in the text that “ ^T5'- 
in the above verse refers to UjjayinT. It may be, however, 
pointed out that Ujjain is not on the way leading from Malkhed to 
Kanauj; and it is not improbable that the first line refers to Kalpi, where 
also there still exists a temple of Kalapriya. Kalpi is situated on the 
way to Kanauj. If the crossing of the Yamunai referred to in the second 
line took place immediately after the halt in the courtyard of Kalapriya, 
then it will follow that Indra did not pass through Uijain. 

45. , introduction, p. XIV. 

46. The junction of the Ganges referred to in the text above must be- 
with the Jamuna and not with the sea; for there is no evidence to show 
that Indra III had come into conHict with Rajyapala. It is, however, 
likely .that Mahipala may have fled, not towards Allahabad, for tha ^ 
would have brought him closer to the Chedis, who were Indra’s allies, 
but towards Gorakhpur. Narasimha may have pursued him for a while, 
and then proceeded to Allahabad on his way back to the Deccan. 



that Mahipala was reinstated on the throne, probably by 
Harsha. The northern campaign of Indra thus produced 
a more dramatic result than was ever achieved by his 
predecessors Dhruva and Govinda, neither of whom had 
succeeded in occupying the Imperial capital Kanauj. More 
tangible and substantial results would probably have 
followed if Indra’ s career had not been cut short by his 
premature death, which must have necessitated the retirement 
of his army to the south. 

While Indra was himself engaged in the north, his gene- 
rals in the south were equally active. A record of one of 
them, Srlvijaya, has been discovered at Danavulapadu in 
Cudappah district. Although a pious Jain, Srlvijaya was a 
powerful general and claims to have defeated his master* s 
enemies/ Another record from the same locality informs 
us that this general was also a poet. We must not, however, 
confound this poet-general Srlvijaya with Srlvijaya quoted in 
Kavirajamarga ; for the latter flourished at least a centurv 
earlier than the general of Indra. 

Indra III was thus a very capable and brilliant general. 
During his short reign he succeeded in shattering the prestige 
of the Imperial Pratiharas, and the Rashtrakuta army again 
became a terror in the north. 

Before passing to the next king I propose to give a 
genealogical table showing the intimate family relationship 
that existed between the Rashtrakutas and the Chedis. Indra 
himself, his younger brother Amoghavarsha, and the latter’s 
son Krshna III, as also the father and grand-father of 
Indra ill had all taken wives from the Chedi family of Tripuri, 
This matrimonial alliance must have been of considerable 
help to Indra III and Krshna III in their northern campaigns. 

Amogbavarsha I 

Koliala I 


KrshQaraja-daughter^^^\ Sankaragana, Ai^iina Mogdfiatursga 

( name not Ranavigraha 

(eldest son & 

jagattunga = Lakskmi^^®^ 

1 =Govindamba^®^’ 
Indra III===4= 

Ammanadeva Y uvaraia I 
* i r * 


Amoghavarsha III = Kundakadevi^^^^ ^ 

1 .. ! Lakshmana 

I 1 . 1 Khottiga- 

Amoghavarsha II Govinda IV Krshna Hi deva^'^^^ 

= A Chedi princess 
(•name not known ) 

Vikramaditya IV==Bonthadevi^^^ 
Taill 11 

49. m ^f^ri^rr it 
W5fTffn%R: W: li A.. Xil, p. 265. 

50. cmr 

Sangli plates say ^??Wi {h A., XII, p. 247), 

showing that S'ankaragana of the Karda grant is the same as 
Ranavigraha. Jagattunga had thus married his maternal nucleus daughter , 
a custom recognised as legal in the Deccan* 

51. Ibid. Govindamba was a younger sister of Lahshiri. Jagattunga 
married her when he was staying with the Chedis, while out on an ex- 
pedition in the north. R. G. Bhandarkay*s objections to the theory that 
Govindamba was another wife of Jagattunga have been answered by 

; Fleet. See G,, :L,ii,- p. 414, n. -5. It may be noted that Vikramaiitya II 
of the Western Chalukya dynasty had married two uterine sisters, 
Lokamah'SdevI and TraiiokyamahSdievi* 

52. Sangli plates of Govinda IV, I. A., XII, p, 249. 

53. Cf. iw^3r>^%cl'p!; sncf: I 

Kadba plates I. A, XII, p. 265. 54, Ditto, 

55, The name of this princess is not kno-wn; the Deoli plates simply 

P. T. 0. 



Amogliavarslia II aad Govinda IV 

Indra died in c. 917 A.D. and was succeeded by his eldest 
son Amoghavarsba ir* Fleet's view that Amoghavarsha II did 
not reign cannot be accepted^ The Bhadan plates of 
Aparajita Silahara, issued within 80 years of the event in 
question, distinctly say that Amoghavarsha II ruled for a year; 
and tiieir testimony is confirmed by the Deoli and Karhad 
plates of Krshna III, wbicb also distinctly say that he did 
rule. The evidence of these plates is particularly cogent 
because, with reference to a prince like Jagattunga, wh5 did 
not ascend the throne, they expressly mention the fact of his 
having not ruled. 

The omission in the Sangii plates of Govinda IV of the 
name of Amoghavarsha II, and the statement there, that the 
former meditated upon the feet of Indra Nityavarsha and not 
upon those of Amoghavarsha, his immediate predecessor, 
show that the two brothers were on inimical terms. The 
phrase ^tatpadanudhyata^ does not necessarily indicate that 
the two kings immediately followed each other. Some of the 
Chalukya grants assert (l. A., VI, pp. 184, 194) that Duriabha 
meditated on the feet of Chamunda though Vallabha w-as his 
immediate predecessor. Amoghavarsha II was a youth of 
only about twenty five^’^^^ at the time of his accession and his 

Continued from the last page 

say ol Krshna III that the Chedis were the elderly relations of both kis 
%vife and mother, showing that he had taken a Chedi princess for his 
%vife. Whether KuudahadevI was his mother as she was of his brother 
Khottigadeva, is not known. 

56. L A., VIII, pp. 11 ff. For facility of reference, the relationship 
with the later Chalukyas also is shown in this table. 

57. B. G., I. ii., p.. 416. 

58. Amoghavarsha I was born in 808 A.D.; his son Krshna in c. 830,; 
his son jagattunga in c. 850; his son Indra in c. 870, and his son Amogha- 
varsha 11 in c, 890; Amoghavarsha*s age at the time of his accession thus, 
works out to be about supposing' that, .all' his"; ancestors were' 'bofr*-" 
when' their .fathers' were only •.20.. : 



death within a year could not have been entirely due to Lis 
deep love for his father prompting him to go to Leaven as 
soon as possible, as the Karhad plates of Krshna III would 
make us believe. The Cambay and the Sangli plates of 
Govinda IV state that he neither treated his elder brother 
cruelly, — though he had power to do so, — nor acquired ill- 
fame by committing incest with his brother*s wives. That 
Govinda should go out of his way in refuting these charges 
shows that there must have been ugly rumours current about 
bis treatment of his elder brother and his wves; that these 
rumours had some foundation is made clear by an unpublished 
grant of the ST^ahara ruler Chhadvaideva, now in the Prince of 
Wales Museum, Bombay. This S^ilahara ruler Was a contem- 
porary of Krshna II! and his grant says that Govinda IV, who 
was overthrown by Amoghavarsha, was himself guilty of 
injustice. It thus becomes clear that Govinda was sus- 
pected of having dealt unfairly with his brother. He may 
have peacefully superseded him, sparing his life, or may have 
brought about or hastened his death. 836 S'aka or 9 16- 17 A,D. 
is the latest known date of Indra^^®^ and S'aka 840 or 918-19 A.D. 
is the earliest date of Govinda So the short reign of 

about a year of Amoghavarsha II probably took place in 
917-18 A.D. 

The reign of Govinda IV, who succeeded Amoghavarsha If, 
was one of the least glorious ones. He was a youth of about 
20, and his Sangli plates inform us that he was as beautiful 
as God of Love. Most of his time he spent in the pursuits of 
pleasures; Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja state that he was 
the abode of the sentiment of love and was surrounded by a 

59. mm mm: il 

Dacunha collection of copper plates in the Prince of Wales Museum, 
Bombay. 60, Hatti Mattur inscription, I. A., XII, p. 224, 

61, JMd.p. 223. 


bevy of dancers/’^’ Deoli and Karhad plates also describe 
ym as the very essence of love and its pleasures, and state 
that he took to evil ways, which led to diseiffection of ministers 
and that he eventually perished. He, however, enjoyed Hfe 
for about 15 years. He probably found no time to look after 
foreign affairs; a line in his Sangli record says that the Ganga 
and the Yamuna served his palace, suggesting that 
Allahabad was still in his possession. This,^ however, may 
have been pei-haps the case at the beginning of his career, 
when the Rashtrakuta armies may have been still in the noith, 
Govinda IV, however, had neither the ability nor the inclina- 
tion to try to hold the provinces conquered by his father. 
Some time during Govinda’s reign, Mahipala reoccupied, 
Kanauj and the Rashtrakuta forces were either driven back or 
had to retire. 

Bhima II of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, who was a 
contemporary ruler, claims to have defeated a great army sent 
by king Govinda. This Govinda is almost certainly 
Govinda°IV. The defeat of the Rashtrakuta army must have 
taken place towards the end of the reign of Govinda. since. 
Bhima 11 ascended the throne in c. 934 A.D. This reverse may 
have hastened Govinda s fall. ^ 

The Deoli and the Karhad plates of Krshna simply state 
that the vicious life and lascivious ways of Govinda IV ruined 
his constitution, alienated the sympathies of his subjects and 
feudatories and led to his destmction. The manner of his los- 
ing his kingdom is described by Pampa in his Vikramarjuna' 
tiijaya where he praises hi^ patron Arikesarin II under the 
title of Arjuna. In the 9th Asvasa of the above work, m a 
prose passage after v. 52. we read;— 

“ How can a thought of ill-will occur to you on seeing* 
and hearing the greatness of that ocean of suppliants ( sic, 

62, E. L. III. p. 298. 

63, 511 wr • 

64, E. I.. VIII. p. 12c< 


Arikesarln ) who, when Goviodaraia was wroth with Vijaya- 
'ditya, the ornament of Chalukya race, unflinchingly laid him 
behind and protected him. the valour of this crest-jewel of the 
feudatories, who drove into retreat and conquered the great 
feudatories, who came at the command of the universal eni» 
peror Gojjiga- the strength of arm of Arikesarin, who bringing 
to ruin the emperor who confronted him in hostility, fittingly 
conveyed the universal empire to Baddegadeva, who came 
trusting him. 

Pampa was out to glorify his patron, and so we must 
accept this version with a grain of salt ; but it is quite clear 
from this account that the feudatories of Govinda rebelled 
against him, and eventually offered the crown to his uncle 
Amoghavarsha II alias Baddegadeva. Deoli and Karhad 
plates also confirm the version of Pampa ; they state that 
Amoghavarsha was pressed by the feudatories to accept the 
•throne to ensure the preservation of the Rashtrakuta gioiy* 
Amoghavarsha III does not appear to have prompted the 
rebellion himself ; even when the crown was offered to him 
he seems to have consulted an oracle before accepting it. if 
we are to trust the Deoli plates. He was at this time 
advanced in years and he had, during his nephew’s reign, led 
a life of retirement, mostly devoted to religion. The Karhad 
and Deoli plates style him as the foremost among the thought- 
ful, the Bhadan plates of Aparajita refer to his austerities, 

-a verse^^®^ in an unpublished grant of Chhadvaideva describes 
how Amoghavarsha purified his wealth, along with his soul, 
by the sacred waters of coronation. The last mentioned state- 
ment makes it clear that Amoghavarsha III actually ascended 
the throne and ruled. 

% Though Amoghavarsha III may not have himself prompted 
the rebellion, it is quite probable that his ambitious son 

66. I 67. E. I , lit, p. 271 


Krshiia and other partisans may have worked hard to exploit 
the situation in order to secure the crown for him. Both 
Amoghavarsha III and Kfshna III had married Chedi princesses 
as shown already. We may, therefore, well accept the 
statement of the spurious Sudi plates that Amoghavarsha 
was staying at Tripuri, when Butuga II married his 
daughter It is, therefore, not unlikely that the Chedi ruler 
Yuvaraja I, who was Amoghavarsha *s father-in-law, may 
have helped his son-in-law, who was an exile at his court, by 
joining the confederacy that aimed at placing Amoghavarsha 
upon the Malkhed throne. In the Viddhas salahhanjika of 
Rajasekhara, who was late in his life residing at the Chedi 
court, we seem to get an echo of this confederacy. The 
drama is a love story of the usual type, but it is fairly certain 
that its hero Karpuravarsha Y uvaraja is the same as Keyura-* 
varsha Yuvaraja I, who was the father-in-law of Amogha^ 
varsha III. In Act II of this drama we are told that a 
king of Kuntala, Chandamahasena by name, was residing at 
the Chedi court as an exile from his own kingdom, and to- 
wards the conclusion of the IVth Act, we are informed that the 
Chedi forces, which were espousing the cause of the exile 
king of Kuntala, were successful against the enemy in a battle 
fought on the banks of the PayoshnI, a tributary of the Tapti, 
and that the exile prince was crowned king of his own coun- 
try. There is some difficulty in accepting these obiter dicta 
of Rajas ekhara as referring to Amoghavarsha’ s accessions 
Rajas'ekhara does not retain the real names of the actors in 
these historic events. He names the exile Kuntala chief 
once as Virapala ( Act IV ) and once as Chandamahasena 
( Act II ). KeyOravarsha’s marriage with Virapaia’s daughter 

68 , m (?) * 

ipf 3T^|c^'^1"W(c3Tr TO l\ 

bacunha collection of copper plates in the Prince of 

Wales Museum, Bombay, 

69. E. L, ni, P. 166. 70. Konow, KarpuramanjarC pp, ISUS* 

would seriously go against the view that Virapala stands for 
Amoghavarsha III. Bui it is not unlikely that the last men- 
tioned episode may have been a poetic invention intended to 
complicate the love affairs in the drama, and not a historic 
fact. Amoghavarsha III was a devotee of Siva and the title 
of Chandamahasena, given to him hy Rafas'chhara, is thus 
appropriate. We would not be far wrong in assuming that „ 
Keyuravarsha espoused the cause of his son-in-law, and that 
one of the decisive battles, which ended in the overthrow of 
Govinda iV, was fought in Khandesh on the banks of the 
PayoshnL We do not know who were the allies and suppor- 
ters of Govinda IV. An unpublished Silahara grant, once in 
.the possession of Prof. H. D. Velankar, Wilson College, 
Bombay, but now untraceable, after referring to the accession 
of Amoghavarsha HI went on to observe: — 

This verse would suggest that Karkara, a relative or 
feudatory Rashtrakuta chief, fought on the side of Govinda, 
lout was overthrown by Amoghavarsha III and his allies. 

The latest known date of Govinda IV is 934 and 

the earliest known date of Amoghavarsha 111 is the 7ih of 
September, 937 The rising against Govinda IV and 

the subsequent accession of Amoghavarsha III must have taken 
place some time during these three years. Honale inscriptions 
Nos. 21-23, dated 934 A.D., refer to Suvarnavarsha as the over- 
lord/^^^ whereas Shikarpur inscriptions Nos. 194 and 322, 
coming from the same district, Shimoga, but dated in the 
next year, do not refer at all to the rule of Govinda. It 
would thus appear that the combination against Govinda was 

. 71. E. C., VII, Honale, Nos 21-23. 

,.-72. E. C., XI, Chitaldurg No. 76. 



formed in 935 A.D. and the accession of AmoghavarsLa III may 
be placed in the next year, since from an inscription from 
Isamudru^^^^ we learn that he had ascended the throne earlier 
than the 7th of September 937 A.D. It is very likely that 
Krshna, the son of Amoghavarsha, may have taken a leading 
part in putting his father upon the throne ;-vhe was an ' ambi- 
tious prince^ ^ father to accept 

the crown. 

Last four Rulers 
Amoghavarsha III 

The reign of Amoghavarsha III, which commenced in 
€. 935 A.D., was a short one of about four years : for his son 
Krshna III was already upon the throne in May 940 A.D., when 
the Deoli plates were issued by him/^^ Being himself a man 
of religious temperament, he must have presented a strong 
contrast with his vicious predecessor. Actual administration 
was very probably entirely in the hands of the crown prince 

Revakanimmadi, a daughter of Amoghavarsha Ilf and an 
elder sister of Krshna III, was married to a Ganga prince, 
named Permadi Butuga II. Since the first child of this 
union Maruladeva was born while Amoghavarsha II! was upon 
the throne, and since the mother of Butuga II was active 
enough in 974 A.D. to supervise the administration of the village 
Pattu Pebbala, the statement of the Hebbal inscription/^^ 
that Revakanimmad/s marriage took place during the reign of 
Krshna II, does not seem to be correct The statement of the 
same record that at the time of the marriage of his great-grand- 
daughter, Krshna II gave away as dowry Banavasi 12,000, 

_ 73. E. C*. XI, Chitaldwrg Na. 76. 

E. L, V. p. 190. ‘ ■ 2,*. ly, p,.351. ' ' ' / 



Belvola 300, Porigera 300, Bagenad 70, and Kinsiikad 70 
to his great"grand-son-m4aw seems to be equally unreiiabie, 
for the Atkuf inscription informs that these districts were 
given by Krshnall! to his brother-in-law, as a reward for his 
bravery in hilling the Chola crown prince Rajaditya. 

The Sudi plalBs inform that Amoghavarsha was 

staying at Tripuri when this marriage took place. These 
plates are no doubt spurious, but for reasons discussed already 
in the last chapter, we can well believe that statement, 
Buiuga also was then not the ruling Ganga prince, for Erey- 
appa was at that time ruling at Talkad. 

The crown prince Krshna undertook the task of putting 
his brother-in-law upon the Ganga throne. He killed Dantiga 
and Vappuga, who were probably Nolamba princes and 
feudatories of Rachamalla, the Ganga ruler then upon the 
throne. Then he attacked and hilled Rachamalla himself, and 
put his brother-in-law upon the Ganga throne. Isamudru^®^ 
inscription, which was inscribed on 7th of September 937 A.D., 
refers to Amoghavarsha as the ruling emperor and concludes 
as follows: — 

Paleyar Deva attacked and smote and slew the 
Pande king in Sripura; Indra s son smote a Pallava king,*. 
This Kannara of great might slew Ganga Permadi and gave 

3. E. L, V!, p.55. 4. E. L. HI, p. 176. 

5» Ayyapadeva Nanninga was the Nolamba chief in c, 919 and he 
was an ally of Ereyappa, whose successor Rachamalla was killed by 
Krsbna, The name of Nanniga*s son was Anniga. [E. !., X., pp, 54 IL] 
The names of Dantiga and Vappuga bear a family resemblance ta 
Nanniga and Anniga, hence the conjecture in the text. 

Fleet notices a record at the Mahakuta temple of Badami, dated 
October 934 A.D,, which refers to Mabasamanta Bappuvarasa, who was 
a very Bhairava on a minor scale to the enemies of the brave Gopila 
(B. G.i I. ii. p. 417 n. 3). This Bappuva could have been assumed to be 
the same as Vappuga hilled by Krshpa, were it not very improbable that 
such an enemy could have challenged the authority of Amoghavarsha 111 
in the very heart of the empire, 6, E, Ci, XI. Chitaldurg 76 * 



the throne to Bhuvaliabha. Thus did those of the RashtralcOta 
line slay and gain renown/* The first two incidents, here 
referred to, have yet to be definitely identified, but the last 
one is obviously the same as the overthrow and destruction of 
Rachamalia by Krshna and the enthronement of his brother- 
in-law, Botuga. 

Krshna then marched northwards and defeated the 
Clieclis, though his mother and, wife had been born in 
that family* The forts of Kalanjara and Chitrakuta, situated 
in the very heart of Chandella country, were occupied by 
the Rashlrakuia army, and the Gurjara-Pratihara em- 
peror lost all hope of capturing them. An inscription/^^- re- 
cently published, confirms the testimony of the Deoli plates. 
This inscription was found at Jura in the Maihar State of the 
Baghelkhand Agency. It is written upon a stone and con- 
tains a eulogy of Krshna III in Canarese. That a Canarese 
eulogy of Krshna should be discovered in Baghelkhand can 
be explained only on the assumption that the claim to the 
conquest of Chitrakuta and Kalanjara is well founded. The 
Rashtrakutas continued to hold these forts for about ten years; 
they were reconquered by the Chandella king Yasovarman 
some time before 953 A.D. 

I have assumed here that the exploits of Krshna des- 
cribed above were performed while he was yet a Yuvaraja,. 
and not subsequent to his accession. In this respect, I differ 
from previous writers; an analysis of the Deoli plates, how- 
ever, supports my reading of the situation. These plates 
were issued in May 940 A.D* After mentioning the accession 
of Amoghavarsha III, verse 19 of this record says that his son 

7. It is not possible to argue that fC^^shna assisted his Chedi relations, 
in holding these places against the Chandella; for the Deoli plates, 
issued in May 940 A.D., soon after the capture of Kalanjara, state that' 
Krshria HI had conquered the elders of his wife and mother. This, 
shows that Kphna was not co-operating, hut fighting with the Chedis. 

8. E. L. XIX, p. 287, 



Krslina proved his strength even while a Kumara or a prince. 
Vv. 20-25 then mention the killing of Dantiga, Vappiiga, and 
Rachamalla and the capture of Kalanjara and Chi^akuta 
V. 26 then observes that all the feudatories between the Eastern 
and Western ocean obeyed the commands of Kifshiia. who 
himself, however, was always obedient to .his father* V.,27.,.,.„ 
then informs us that his father died, happy to have seen his 
son embraced by the damsel fame. Then follows a descrip- 
tion of the coronation of Krshna 111. 

The above analysis of the Deoli plates makes it abso- 
lutely clear that the restoration of Butuga to theGanga throne, 
and the capture of Chilrakuta and Kalanjara were the achieve- 
mentsof Krshna while yet a crown-prince. It may also be point- 
ed out that Amoghavarsha was alive on the 3rd of December , 
939 A.D.^°’ and that all the above campaigns in southern 
and central India could not have been physically possible 
within a period of four months. And yet we shall have to as- 
sume that such was the case, if we are to hold that these cam- 
paigns were subsequent to his accession; for the Deoli plates, 
issued by Krshpa in May 940 mention all these achievements 
of his. The title Paramabhattaraka Parames'vara-maharaiadhi- 
raja given by the jura record to KrehoalU would not go against 
my hypothesis. The pras'asti may have been composed and 
inscribed a few years later, and in the meanwhile Krshna 
may have succeeded his father and conquered Tanjore and 
Kanchi. It is also possible that Krshiia may have under- 
taken a second expedition in Baghelkhand after his accession, 
■when the Jura inscription may have been inscribed. 

A record from Sravan Belgola*^’®* refers to a battle 
between Rakkasa-mane and Koneya Ganga when Bogya, a 
servant of Ganga-Ysgra, rallied his retreating forces and made 
the whole forces of Vaddega and Koneya Ganga flee with 

, 9. E. C.. XI, ChitaUurga No. 77, dated grTtm ^ ’t'T. 

10. E. Cn n, No* 138 { New Edition ntimtermg }. 


" lerrori „ , : - Although' it cannot ' he provecl: at^ present that Koneya 
waS' another name' of:' Butuga .and. ' ■ Vajra ' .of Rachamalla, the 
- record : shows that the - forces ' of Amoghavar sha III, who was 
also known as Baddega, werC' opei'ating against the Gangas, 
-showing thereby that it was in his reign, and not in that of his 
son, , that ' Butuga was put ' on the Ganga throne, Krshna, 
therefore, was clearly a crown-prince when he performed ' the' 
.above-mentioned exploits. 

Amoghavarsha died some time after the 3rd of Decem- 
ber 939 A.I>. and before May 940-A.D., happy to, see that his 
son had proved himself an able and successful general. 

Krishna III 

Krshna 11! ascended the throne some time in December 
,739 He had already established the reputation of 

his arms while still a crown-prince; still he seems to have 
waited for a while after his accession before undertaking fur- 
ther campaigns. His accession seems to have been a peaceful 
one; the spurious Sudi plates of Butuga II no doubt state that 
Butuga secured the kingdom for Krshna on the death of 
Baddega I. e. Amoghavarsha So far, however, there 

is no evidence forthcoming to show that there was any trouble 
at the accession of Krshna III. His prestige was already very 
great and it does not seem likely that any serious claimant 
may have challenged his accession. The only possibility 
that we can conceive of is that if Krshna were absent at the 
time of his father's death in northern India on his military 
expedition, there may have arisen some trouble, which Butuga 
may have put down before the return of Krshna. The inva- 
sion of Chola kingdom by Krshna III did not take place 
earlier than the 3rd year of his reign, and we know of no 
military conquests earlier than that date. 

11. Sorah No. 476 ( E. C.. vn I ) supplies 939 as the earliest date 
for Krshna as emperor. His father was alive in December of that year 
( E. C., Xl. pp. 29-30 ). Hence the statement in the text. See supt^a, 
pp, 1'22^3, foot'iiote No, 39’. ' ' i”2. E, L, III, p* 176, 



Krshija first turned his attention to the soiitli.^^ ' ' h 
Gangavadi his brother-in-law Butuga; w^as. .upon the throne; 
the Baiia prince Vihramaditya Illwas an ally of his* since he 
calls himself a dear friend of .Krshnaraia/^''^.'^ The Chok 
king Parantaka was an 'ambitious .ruler; "he, had conquered 
Banavadi and put the Ganga-Bana prince* Prthvipati II 
Hastimalla in its charge. Krshna decided to attack the Chola 
kingdom, apparently to reinstate Vikramlditya III, but realk 
to annex as much of the south as possible to his empire. 

The Kanyakumari inscription of Parantaka states that the 
Choia king had himself fought with Krshnaraja and defeated 
him, earning thereby the title of Virachola. ^ Tlie time and 
place of the defeat are not stated; but the record, if not an 
empty boast, must be referring to some engagements that may 
have been fought before 944 A.D., wherein he may ha%^e scored 
some local successes. But these were minor ones and did 
not affect the main issue; for, we have overwhelming evidence 
to show that Krshna III was occupying Tondai-Mandalam 
from c. 944 to the end of his reign. Siddhaiingamadam inscrip- 
tion from South Arcot district, dated in the fifth year of 
Ki-shna’s reign, refers to the conquest of Kanchi and Tanjai or 
Tanjorer^®’ the Solapuram inscription from North Arcot 
district is dated in Saka year 871 or 949-50 A.D., the year in 
which the emperor Kannaradsvavallabha, having pierced 
Rl^aditya, entered Tondai-Mandaiamr^®’ an inscription from 
the Ukkala Vishnu temple in the North Arcot district is dated 
in the 16 th year of his reign and mentions him again as the 
conqueror of Kanchi and Tanjore/'” The same is the case 

13. Udayendiram grant of Vikramaditya III, E. Ij XI, p, 232. Hultzsch 
has himself abandoned his earlier view that this Kyshrta was Krshiia II 
and quite rightly ; for, the great grand-father of VihramSditVa was 
alive in 909 A, D. E. I„ VlII, p. 3. 

14. Travancore Archaeological Series, III, p. 143, v. 48. 

15. Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909. No, 375. 

16. E. L* VO, p, 195, 17. Referred to at E. L. i V, p. 82. 


with two inscriptions from Tiru in Chingleput district, dated 
in the 17th and I9th year of Kannaradeva/'®' The Karhad 
plates^^^ were issued in 959 A.D., when Krshna was encamped 
at Melpati in North Arcot district, engaged in parcelling out 
the territory there among his servants, and accepting heavy 
tributes from the lords of Mandalas. An inscription from 
Vellore'*®' district is dated in the 26th year of his reign. The 
veiy fact that so many inscriptions hailing from the territory 
usually governed by the Cholas and Pallavas are dated in 
Krshna’s reign shows, especially when considered in the 
light of the Karhad plates, that the whole of Tondai-Maijda* 
lam was directly administered by Krshna 111 throughout the 
znajor pai't of his reign. 

According to the Siddhalingamadam inscription, we have 
seen that Krshna had already concjuered Kanchi and Tanjore 
before the fifth year of his reign. His accession took place 
either in 939 A.D., or perhaps in 940 A.D.. and, therefore, his 
occupation of Tondai-Manqalam may be placed in c. 945 A.D. 
T. A. Gopinath Rao's view'*'' that Tondai-Mapdalam could 
not have been occupied befoi-e the battle of Tahkolam 
ignores the possibility of that battle itself being the result of 
a counter-move on the part of Parantaka to oust the invador. 
The entry referred to in the Sholapuram inscription would be 
recording the further advance of the Rashtrakuta army after 
the victory at Takkolam, 

The decisive battle in the war was fought at Takkolam 
in North Arcot district in 949 A.D. The Choia army was led 
into the battle by the crown-prince'**' Rajaditya, while the 
18. E. I., Ill, p. 285. 19. E. I.. IV. p. 278. 

20. E. I.. HI. p. 81. 21. E. 1.. XV, p. 51. 

22. The earlier view that Rajaditya had already ascended the throne 
before the battle of Takkolam had to be abandoned in view of the dis. 
covery of inscriptions dated in the 45th and 46th years of Parantaka. 
See E. I,,XIX, p. 83, for further information. The earlier view is 
defended by T. A. Gopinath Raoin E. I,. XV. p. 51, but his arguments 
are not convincing. 



Raslitrakita forces were strengthened by a contingent under 
the Ganga ruler Botuga IT, The Cholas fought stubbornly, 
and the Atkur record^^^^ admits that for a time the Rashtrakuta 
forces were overwhelmed; none dared to counter-attack. But 
Maiialera and Botuga succeeded in making a rally; the 
latter dashed against the crown -prince, killed the elephant he 
was riding, got into the howdah and killed him there. The 
earlier view that Butuga killed Rajaditya treacherously, while 
embracing him or taking a walk with him, was based partly 
upon a wrong meaning ascribed to the term * bisit^eye * and 
partly, upon the mistake of reading* Kalla -age for K aim-' 
The' death of Rajaditya in- the' battle of Tahhola.m' is 
confirmed b\’ the Cliola records themselves; the large Leyden 
states that Rajaditya. died during the battle with 
Krshna, while seated on the back of an elephant, ft will be 
noticed that this record also supports the view that treachery 
played no part in the death of the crown -prince. 

The Sudi plates of Butuga II are no doubt spurious 
but their statement that after the defeat of Rajaditya’ s forces 
Butuga besieged Taniapuri or Tanjore under orders from 
Krshna, vvell have been a historic fact. The epithet 
* Tanjaiyunkoi'>4u’ or the conqueror of Tanjore has been given to 
Krshiaa III, as we have seen already, in so many records found 
in Tondai-Mandalam, that the conclusion becomes inevitable 
that he had conquered and occupied the Chola capital at least 
for some time, The statements in the Karhad plates that 
Krshiaa defeated the Pandyas and the Keralas, exacted 
tributes from the king of Ceylon and planted the creeper of his 
fame at Ramesvara may all of them be true ; they receive an 
unexpected corroboration from Somadeva, who finished his 
Yasastilaka about two months later than the issue of the 

23. E. I., VLp.56. 

24. J. R. A. S., 1909, pp. 443 ff. Fleet, who was responsible for the 
earlier mistake, has admittedi the accuracy of the new reading. 



Karhad plates of Krshna !il, r. e. in May 959 A.D. At the 
end of this work the author speaks of Krshnaraja as a glori- 
ous monarch, who had subdued the Pandyas, the Cholas, the 
Cheras, and Sinhala. After the overthrow of the Chola 
army ^ and the capture of Tanjore. march to Ramesvara could 
hardh^ have presented any insurmountable difficulties* 

: Krshna was not content with merely defeating the ' Cholas:; 
the fact that so many inscriptions from Tondai-Mandalam' 
are dated in the reign of Krshna III makes it clear that, the 
northern portions of the Chola kingdom were annexed by 
him to his empire. The statement in the Karhad plates 
that Krshna was encamped, at the time when the plates were 
issued, at Melpati in North Arcot in order to parcel out livings 
z. e. territories among his dependents and receive tributes from 
feudatories, also shows that part of the Chola kingdom was 
annexed and placed under the charge of Rashtrakuta officers. 
The territory to the south of Tondai-Mandalam could not be- 
annexed, as we do not come across any records from - that 
area recognising the sovereignty of Krshna III. The Ganga 
ruler Butuga II, who had acquired the throne with the help of 
Krshna, was his right-hand man in this campaign ; in recog- 
nition of his valuable services Krshna conferred upon him. 
Banavasi 12000, Belvol 300, Kinsukad 70, Bagenad 70 and 
Purigere 300/ The latest known date of Butuga is April 953 
Fie died a few years later while his brother-in-law was 
still upon the Rashtrakuta throne, and was succeeded by Lis 
son Nolambantaka Marasimha, born not of Revakanimmadi, 
the sister of Krshna III, but of another wife named Kollavarasi. 
The new ruler continued to be as intensely loyal to the 
Rashtrakuta connection as his father, and helped Krshna in his 
military campaigns. 

Kishna’s commitments in the south affected, in the latter 
part of his reign, his position in the north. He had committed 

27. P. 419 (Nirnayasagara edition). 

28. Alkur Inscription, E. I., VI, p, 57. 

29. i&tci, p. 180. 



the blunder of alienating the sympathies of his Chedi relatives 
by attacking them in his campaign in the north while a 
Yuvaraja; and the Chandellas rose to power tinder Yasovarman 
...and .'Dhanga, The Khajuraho inscriptiort^’^®'^ shows . that . the' 
fort of Kalanjar was recaptured by the Chandellas before 
953*4 A.D., and Chitrahuta could not have remained much longer 
under the Rashtrakuta control. The Marathi C. P., however, 
continued to be under the rule of Krshna; Deoli plates grant a 
village in the district of Chhindwara, and in the same district 
two fragmentary inscriptions of his have been discovered/" 

We have already seen how the Paramara chief Krshnaraia 
or Upendra was defeated by Indra 111, sometime in c. 915 A.D, 
The Paramaras continued to be the feudatories of the 
Rashtrakutas dov%m to the time of Krshna III, for the recently 
published copper-plates from Harsola,^^^^ issued by S! 3 ’aka 
in 949 A.D., referred to Akalavarsha Prthivivaliabha, the son of 
Amoghavarshadeva, as the feudal lord of the Paramaras. 
We find that the Harsola plates refer to villages in Khetaka 
division L e. modern Kaira district in northern Gujrat, as being 
under the immediate government of the Paramaras. Southern 
Gujrat was reconquered by Krshna JJ; it would seem that it 
was handed over to the Paramara feudatories by the successors 
of Indra III for administrative purposes. 

In the latter half of his reign Krshna had to undertake 
expeditions to the north, SVavana Belgola epitaph of 
Marasimha^’^'^^ states that he conquered the northern regions 
for Krshna III and thereby acquired the title of the King of 
the Gurjaras. It is thus clear that Krshna had to attack 
some ruler, who had risen to eminence and was defying his 
authority in Gujrat. Konow thinks that the Gurjara king, 
who was defeated by Krshna and Marasimha may have been 

30. E. L. I, p. 124. 

31. Hiralal, List of Lnscriptiona in (7. P. and Berar p. 81 

32. E. I., XIX, pp. 236 ff. 33. E. I.. V, p. 179, 



Mularaja/^^^ It is, however, more likely that Sfyaka, the 
Paramara feudatory of the. Rashtrakutas, governing Malva and 
V .northern Gujrat, may have been the ruler defeated by 
.Mirasiifiha and Krshna III Holkeri inscriptions Nos* 23 and 33.,.' 
dated 968 and 965 A,D. respectively,- refer to two of Marasimha*s 
captains, Sodrakayya and Goggiyamma, as Ujjenlbhuiangas/''^^^ 
These captains were appointed to rule over Kadambalige 1000 
, probably as a reward for' their services in' the expedition 
against the Ujjain ruler. Since Siyaka’s dominions included 
northern Giijrat in 949 A.D., we can well understand how 
Marasimha II became known as Gurjaradhiraja by his victory 
over that ruler. We have seen how Slyaka was a Rashtrakuta 
* feudatory in 949 A.D.; his sack of Malkhed in 972-3 may have 
been a revenge for the defeat that was inflicted upon him by 
Krshna III. 

We have seen already how the Jura inscription refers to 
Krshna’ s conquest of Kanchi and Tanjore, The inscription 
is unfortunately not dated, and therefore the question, whether 
Krshna had led another expedition in the north after his 
accession, cannot be definitely settled. It is possible that 
after the defeat of the Paramaras, the army of Krshna may 
have once more overrun Bundelkhand. But this is not very 
likely, since the Chandellas had grown powerful by this lime 
and reconquered Kalanjar before 953 A.D. Krshna also was 
very busy in the south. Under these circumstances it seems 
most likely that there was no second expedition against the 
Chedis and the Chandellas, but that the Jura Prasasti was 
inscribed subsequent to the conquest of Kanchi and Tanjore 
in c 946 A.D. 

The recently published Arumbaka plates of Badapa^^'^^ 
inform us that the Eastern Chalukya king, Amma II, was 

34. E. I., X. p. 78, 35. E. C„ XI. 36. E. I., XIX, p. 287. 

37. cf. I 



driven out by Badappa, son of Yiidhamaiia II, with the help 
of Karoa. Since the epithet Vallabha is added to the name 
of Karna, it is almost certain that Kariia is the same as 
Krshna III, the form Karna being a wrong Sanskritisation of 
Kannara, the Prakrit name of Krshna. It would thus appear 
that Krshna completed his masteiy over the whole of the 
peninsula to the south of the Narmada by putting his own 
ally on the throne of Vengi. This he must have accomplished 
at the fag end of his reign. 

An inscription. , from Kollagailu., dated Sunday: the 6th 
day of the bright half of Kshaya PliMgana of Saka 889 A.D. 
L e. 17th February 968 A.D., states that Krshna had died in 
that year and that Khottiga had succeeded him. His death, 
therefore, may be placed early in 968 

38. The usually accepted period for the reign of Amma I! is from 
c, 945-c, 970 A-D. and, Krshna seems to have died before February 96B 
A.D, But the eastern Cbaluhya dates are not very rigidly fixed, and a 
difference of a couple of years is, therefore, not an insurmountable 
difficulty in identifying Kariiavallabha with Krshna III. 

39. Mad ras Epigraphical Collection for 1913 No. 236. There is some 
difficulty in determining the exact beginning and end of the reign of 
Krshna III, The latest known date of his father is 3'“12-939 A.D. 
( E. C , XI, pp. 29-30), The earliest known date for K?^sbiia himself is 
the one supplied by Sorab No. 476 ( E. C., VII! ), which is also 939 
A.D. It is a pity that the month and the day of the year slioiild not have 
been given in this record. Krshna*s accession may be, thercrore, placed 
in December 939 A.D. or Margasirsha S"aka 861. Now quite a large 
number of his inscriptions have been found dated in the 28th year of 
his reign, ( C, g. Nos. 125 of 1906, 364 of 1902 of the Madras Epigra- 
phical Collection ) and one hailing from Kilur Virattanes\mra temple in 
soiitjh Arcot district is dated in the 30th year of his reign [No. 232 of the 
Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1902 ]. Now supposing Krshna 
ascended the throne in December 939 A.D. or MargasTrsha S^aka 861, 
the 30th year of his reign will begin in December, 968 A.D. of 
Margas'Irsha, S' aka 890. But from Kolagallu stone inscription in Beiiary 
Taluka, we know that Krghna had died before the 6th day of Kshaya 

P. T. 0. 



Krslina was the last able monarch in the Rashtrahuta 
dynasty. None of ■ his. predecessors had so, completely ;domi-. 
nated the Peninsula as he could do. Even Govinda III could 
not bring under his direct, administration territories, of .the 
Pallava kings. Nor could he put upon the Vengi throne a 
friend or nominee of his. In the north, Ktshi^a s policy ,: wa:.,, 
first successful, but later on he had to relinquish his advance 
positions., in . the Chandella country. , He .could , not ,counfceraet 
the influence of .Yasovarman and Dhanga, .and .committed . a 
great mistake in allowing his Paramara feudatories to rise to 
great power on the northern frontiers of his kingdom. But it 
must be admitted that what he lost in the north was more 
than compensated by his solid gains in the south. He must 
have been an able ruler and skilful general; otherwise his 
achievements would not have been possible. 

Continued from the last page 

PliSlgima of S'aka 889 i, e, before the 17th Februa.ry '968 ' A.D. ( No .-234, 
of 1913 ); . It ,13 po,ss’Lbie to argue that the death,, of Krshna,:, took , place'; 
between the 5tii and 15th day of Chaitra of S^aka 890; for, Holkere No- 
23 ( E. C. XI), dated Chaitra S^Uddha Panchanii^ refers to Krshna as 
sovereign ruler, while Sorab No. 531 ( E. C., VIII ), dated Chaitra 
S^uddha PfiUTiUmC, refers to his successor Khottiga as the ruling 
emperor... B.ut , the ,, me,nti'on . „ of"".-Kr 3 hna • , a-s ,the .ruling ..emperor' 
in Holkere No. 23 was very probably due to the fact that the news 
of his death had not travelled till then to Simoga distidct. Krshnahs 
death, tkerefore, took place before February 968 A.D, or Phllguna 
889 'S^ aka. Now, since Krshna. ascended "the-, throne .not earlier , tha.n 
D.ecember 939 A.D. , his ,30th year, referred in., -Kolagallu ',.,inscriplion.,' 
mentioned above, could not have commenced before December 968 A.D. 
But Krshna had died at least ten months before that date and therefore 
the 30th year of his reign was impossible. This discrepancy can b§ ex- 
plained on the supposition that Amoghavarsha til, being mostly preoccu- 
pied with religious practices, his son was the de facto ruler even in his 
father’s life»time. His regnal years may have been counted in some loca- 
lities from a date earlier than his formal coronation or his father's death. 
This overlapping of dates is similar to that of the reigns of Amoghavarsha I 
and his son Krshna IL The causes in both cases were probably the same, 



Khottiga Nityavarsha Amoghavarsha IV 

_ in had a son, who was the father of Indra IV. 

Bui he seems to have predeceased his father, and his son be- 
ing too young, Kholtiga, a younger brother of Krshna III, 
succeeded to the throne early in 968 A.D. The Deoli grant of 
Rrshna III was made in 940 A.D. for the spiritual benefit of 
Jagatlungadeva, a younger brother of Krshna, who was dearer 
to him than his own life. It is possible that this Jagaltuhga 
^ay e l e same as Khottiga; for the Deoli plates state that 

jagattuhga was extremely beautiful and we know from the 
Adargunchi inscription that “ Rattakandarpa was one of 
Lf ®P'“ets of Khottiga. If Jagaltuhga was not the same as 
lottiga, he may have been another brother of Krshna III. 

It was in the reign of Khottiga that the Rashtrakuta power 
began to dec ine. The first blow was given by the Paramaras 
rom the north. Arthuna inscription of Paramara Chamunda* 
mya. dated 1079 A.D.,<^»> refers to king Sri Harsha’s ^ 
With the lord of the Karnatas. That the opponent of Harsha 
was not Tai apa or Karka HI is proved by the Udaipur 
f ^ kings of Malva^^'’’, which distinctly says 

that Harshadeva captured the royal gloiy and splendour of 
ottiga ®va. The first land grant of Vakpati 11, the successor 

^ blyaka or Sri-Harsha is dated in 974-75 A.D., and that of 
ar a 111, the successor of Khottiga, in September 972 A.D. 
Harsha and Khottiga were thus contemporaiy rulers, and the 
statement of the Udaipur pras'asti, therefore, may be ac- 
cepted as corr^t: It is further corroborated by Dhanapala, 
the author of Patyalacfichhi. who informs us in v. 276 that his 
work was written at Dhara in Vikrama Samvat 1029 f. J. 
972-73 A.D., when Manyakhefa was plundered by the king of 

vf^AmnalfT'”' Kholtiga had very likely the epithet 

^^moghadeva.^SeeE.I.,XVI,p.284, 41. I. A.. XIL. p. 256. 


Malva/^^^ Sravana-Belgola epitaph of Marasimha II states 
that the scenes of his victories were the banks of the Tapti, 
the Vindhya forests, Manyakheta, etc. The victory at Manya- 
Hieta presupposes the presence of ■, an enemy in that place. 
This record, therefore, indirectly confirms the statements in the 
'Paramara records that the Rashtrakuta capital was plundered 
by Siyaka. , 

We have seen that Khottiga was alive early in 972 A,D„ 
when Manyakheta was sacked : he seems to have died during 
the war with the Paramaras, for we find his successor issuing 
the Kharda plates ^^^Mn September of the same year. Sorab 
inscription No. 455 is dated in 972, and refers to Karka as the 
ruling emperor. We may, therefore, place the death of 
Khottiga and the accession of Karka II, in the middle of 972A.D. 

Karka II 

Karka II was the son of Nirupama, a younger brother of 
Krshna III and Khottiga. It cannot be said definitely whether 
this Nirupama is the same as or different from Jagattuhga, 
who is mentioned as a younger brother of Krshna III in the 
Deoli plates. It would appear that either Khottiga, like 
Krshna III, left no male issue, or that Karka managed to 
usurp the throne after his uncle's death. 

.The Kharda grant of Karka II describes his glory and 
exploits in glowing terms; we are told that he was a terror to 
the Pandyas, had fought with the Hunas with an untrembling 
mind, and had defeated the armies of the Cholas and the 
Gurjaras. But all these exploits seem to be more imaginary 
than real; for he was hardly 18 months upon the throne, when 
he was defeated and ousted from it by Taila 11. ^The Gadag 
inscription of Vikramaditya Vf states that the Saka year in 
which the Rashtrakutas were overthrown was Srimukha; so it 
must be Saka 895. The overthrow of Karka then took place some^ 
time between March 973 and March 974. A,D. But since the 



latest known of Karka is July 973, we may reasonably 

conclude that he was defeated in the autumn or winter of 973 A, 

■ ' ' The fall o( the mighty Rashirakuta empire was indeed 

dramatic* In December 967 Krshna III was the master of 
practically all the territories to the south of the Narmada; in 
December 973 his^ nephew was' overthrown and the Rashtra- 
kota empire remained only in memorj/. The causes of this 
dramatic downfall are not far' to seek The forward and 
aggressive policy of Krshna III: ' must ■ have caused a severe 
; "drain on 'the treasury,- and alienated the sympathies of his feu- 
datories and neighbours, His' commiiments in the south left 
him no time to control the north. To permit the Paramfiras to 
■rise to power w^as a great tactical blunder., A still greater one 
was the vvar with the Chedies-, who w?ere so closely connected 
with the Rashlrakutas and seem to have helped the accession 
of Amoghavarsha III. The sympathies of the Chedies were 
alienated; Tailall was a nephew L e, sister’s son of Yuvaraja II, 
the reigning Chedi monarch/^^^ and therefore the Chedi 
court probably must have actively helped Taila against 
the Rashtrakutas. The cession of the Banavasi 12,000, 
Belvola 300, Purigeri 300, Kinsukad 70 and Bagenad 70 to the 
Gangas must have seriously impoverished the Imperial trea- 
sury, as the Ganga ruler thus obtained control over most of 
the territories to the south of the Krishna/*^^ The territories 
under the direct Imperial administration further diminished in 
extent by the rise to semi-independence of the Silaharas of 
Konkana, the Rattas of Saundatti and the Yadavas of 
iSeunadesa. These were young, growing and ambitious states, 

only awaiting an opportunity to throw off the imperial yoke. 

47, Gundur inscription, I, A., XII, p. 272 (Ashadha month). 

48. Hebbal inscription, E. L, IV, p, 355. 

49 Bhillama I. T, grand -father of Bhillama in, who had issued the 
Kalas-Budruk plates in 1025 A.D., was probably a contemporary of 
iCarka, He had married a daughter of RSshtrakuta Jhanjha (E. I. XIL 
p. 212) who probably belonged to the RS»h|rakuta faction opposing Karka* 
Bhillarna 11, therefore, may have joined the confederacy to oust Karka, 



Karka*s councillors were vicious, and his own character 
was' probably not much diffei-ent; This must have ali-r 
enated the sympathies of. his subjects and feudatories.. .-Some ^ 
of the Rash trakuta kinsmen must have espoused the cause - of 
his enemy Taila,' because the latter’s wife Jakavva was the 
■daughter of Bhammaha or Brahmahara, who was a Rashtra- 
kuta chief. The prestige of the Rashtrakuta arms was' 
besides completely shattered . by the occupation' and plunder 
of the capital 'by the Paramaras a couple of years before. 

Taiia II, , who •• eventually ■ overthrew the Rashtrakuta 
empire, is claimed by later records to have descended from an 
uncle of Kirlivarman n of the early Chalukya dynasty. The 
genealogy as given in the Kauthem, Yewur, Nilgund and 
Miraj grants is as follows:— 



Vikramaditya I! 
Kirtivarman II 

A brother { described HhimO:-' 
papakmma. Name not given.) 

Kirtivarman III 


Taiia 1 

Vikramaditya III 



Ayanna == Krishnanandana 

. . ’*1 
Vikramaditya IV = Bonth^evi 

(daughter of Lakshmana, 
the Chedi king ) 

Taiia II = Lakshmi, daughter of Rashtrakuta Brabmahabha, 

50. The Nilgund inscription thus describes the two principal advisors 
and generals of Karha, E. I,, XIL p» 1^0* 



The above genealogy seems to be suspicious. It claims 
for the later Chalukyas a descent from the early Chalukyas 
of BadamT, but, as pointed out by R. G. Bhandarhar, no record 
of theirs claims for them Manavya Gotra and descent from 
Hariti, as is invariably the case %vith all the records of the 
earlier Chalukyas. Kirtivarman III of the above genealogy 
was a contemporary and cousin of Kirtivarman li, who was 
overthrown by Dantidurga. His time, therefore, must be 
c. 750-c. 770. The next five generations of the genealogy will 
thus cover a period of about 200 years, giving an average of 
40 years per generation, which is obviously extremely 
improbable. The genealogy may be correct upto Taila; 
Kirtivarman III and his unnamed father seem to be imaginar^^ 
personages. The genealogy m.akes Kirtivarman 11! a cousin 
of Kirtivarman II, but it is w^ell-knowm that contemporai'y 
cousins in Hindu families do not usually bear the same names. 
Further, if the connection of the house of Taila II with the 
earlier Chalukyas were really genuine, it is strange that the 
secretariate of Taila II should know the names of all the 
ancestors, but that its information should fail just in the case 
of the founder of the house, who. it is alleged, was a brother 
of the Chalukya king Vilsramaditya II. It is, therefore, clear 
that the genealogy beyond Taila I is not above suspicion. 
The question, therrfore, whether Taila II was really connected 
with the Chalukyas of Badami must be left an open one. 

There is nothing to enlighten us as to where the ancestors 
of Taila were living or ‘ ruling ’. We have seen already that 
Yas'ovarman, a Chalukya feudatory, son of Balavarman, was 
holding some petty Jahagir in Dharwar district in the time of 
Govinda IIl‘®^’: but in the ancestry of Taila II neither of these 
names appear. Chalukya mahasa mantas Marasirnha and Goggi 
are referred to in a few records from Mysore State ; but they 
also do not figure among the known ancestors of Taila IL 

51* Kadba plates, E. !.* IV. p. 340. 


Chalukya Arikesarin II, who had taken part in the dethrone- 
ment of Goyinda IV, also cannot be connected with Taila 
Pampa in his Vikramarjanavijaya gives the genealogy of his 
patron for as many as eight generations, but we nowhere 
find any of the ancestors of Taila II in it, as a glance at the 
genealogy given below will show: — 

Yudhamalla Chalukya { who ruled over Sapadalaksha ) 

Arikesarin I ( who with the ministers of Bengerivishaya pene- 
« trated into the kingdom of Nirupama. See ante. 

P- 51 n. 10 ) 



Baddega ( who had captured Bhima ) 
Yudhamalla H 

Narasimha ( who def^eated Mahipala during the campaigns 
sj ol mdra 111; see anfe. pp. 102. ) 

Arikesarin 11 ( Patron of Pampa : helped the accession of 

Amoghavarsha III; see ante. p. 102;) 

Finally we have to consider the case of the Chalukya 
chief Vijayaditya, who was shielded by Arikesarin 11, against 
Govinda II. ^ The name of this person also does not figure in 
the known genealogy of the house of Taila II. It seems that 
the ancestors of Taila were too insignificant: for even the title 
Rajan , which in our times did not convey invariably even the 
status of a feudatory, is not given to tliem by their powerful 
and illustrious descendants. It is therefore extremely unlikely 
that the daughter of Krshna, whom Ayyandeva had married, 
could have been a daughter of Krshna II of the Rashtrakufa 
52, J. R. A. S., 1882, p. 19. 53. See ante.pp. 107-8 

dynasty/^^^ especially since neither Ayyandeva nor Ki-shna 
is given even the courtesy title ‘ Rajan/ The place where 
•they were living, is also unknown; it might perhaps, be .'v;: 
■suggesled that since Taila was a son-in-law of the Checli ruler 
^Lakshmana, and since the northern parts of the Rashlrahuta 
dominions first passed under his control, he may have been 
living somewhere in the northern portion of the state of 

How Taila II suddenly became strong enough to chal- 
lenge the mighty Rashtrakutas, and who his allies were, is still 
a mysteiy. We have already seen how it is very likely that 
the Yadava ruler Bhillama li of Seunadesa may perhaps have 
been one of his allies/^^^ Pampa states that his patron 
Arikesarin il had put to flight Bappuva, a ^munger brother of 
Karka. But Arikesarin II was dead before 959 A.D. when his 
son Vadyagaraja (Baddegall?) v;as ruling, and therefore 
Bappuva, the younger brother of Karka whom he put to flight, 
may have been a brother of Rashirakuta Karkara who was 
a partisan of Govinda IV, Baddega II may have possibly 
sided with Taila IL Since Taila’s father had married a 
daughter of the Chedi ruler Lakshmana, whose son was ruling 
that kingdom at the time of his accession, it is possible that 
he may have derived some assistance from his maternal 
uncle, especially since Krshna M had committed the blunder 
of alienating the sympathies of that house by wantonly attack- 
ing its territories in his northern campaign. It has to be . 
observed, however, that no Chedi records mention any such, 
help given to Taila. 

54. This was Fleet’s suggestion made with some hesitation at p. 427 
of his DyTidstiBSm At p. 379 of the same work he had proposed to iden- 
tify this prince with Ayyapadeva. a general of VTramahendra, who was 
killed in a war with Ereyappa. This is also a conjecture which would 
require further evidence before it can be accepted. 

55. See p. 126, n. 49, 56. Yas'astilahachampu, 




Tile: ■ struggle between Tailail . and Karkka If -waS' an 
: intense' one; for, the Managoli inscription admits that it 
: was with an exceedingly great effort that Taila' acquired' 
the sovereignty of the land. ■ Karkka was supported by - two 
of his Rashtrakuta kinsmen, who were his generals, and who^ 
are described in the records of the conquering dynasty'^^^^ as" 
orueL insolent and overbearing, and are compared , to ■ the 
moving' feet of Kali incarnate. These two generals were 
killed in battle: but the fate of Karkka himself is not known 
with certainty. If he also v/ere hilled in the war, there is no 
reason why the Chaluhya records should have kept silent over 
that incident. It would seem that he managed to fly to the 
south; two inscriptions from Sorab Taluha, Nos. 476 and 479, 
dated about 991 A.D., mention Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara 
Paramabhattaraha Sii-Kakkaladeva as the lord of the world. 
It is not unlikely that this Kakkala may have been the same 
as Karkka II, who may have managed to hold some local 
sway in the south of his empire for a few years, and may have 
been presumptuous enough to use his former imperial titles, 
even when he was the ruler of a petty state. 

The main task of Tailail was accomplished after the defeat 
of Karkka 11; he had, however, to fight with a number of other 
Rashtrakuta claimants for the vacant throne for some time. 
The powerful Ganga feudatory, Nolambantaka Marasimha, 
espoused the cause of Indra IV, a grandson of Krsbna HI and the 
son of his own sister. He crowned him king but his protege, 
who was perhaps too young and inexperienced, could not main- 
tain his own. His epitaph at Sravana Belgola^^^^ no doubt 
describes him as * hero among brave men * the bravest of the 
brave*, *a marvel among those who take by force (the glorv 
of the enemies) ’ ; but these are all conventional adjectives* 

57. E. L. V, p. 20. 58. Kauthem plates, E. L. XII. p. 152* 

59. Rice, ImcripUons fromSravanaBelgola No. 59, (second edition)* 

60. Ibid No. 57. 

A mrial from Dasarhalli , ia Bangalore district refers to 
ladra as tiie ruler of the -place. If we assume with Rice that 
the probable date of this ..record, which is not dated, is about 
980 A.D., then it will follow that Indra continued to hold some 
•authority for a couple of years. But the effort to reinstate 
Indra IV soon failed; his maternal uncle MarasirfiLa died by 
the Sallekhma vow before August 975 A.D.; and we find 
Indra IV doing the same on the 20th March 982 A.D. 

When it became clear that Indra IV could not maintain 
his own against. Taila II, Parichaladeva, the successor of 
Marasiridia, set himself up as emperor in opposition to Taila. 
His Mulgund inscription/®^^ dated February 975 A.D., claims 
that he was governing, without any disorder, Lis kingdom 
which was bounded h-y the eastern, western, and southein 
ocean and by the great river ( i. e, the Krishna ) on the north. 
This is an obviously exaggerated statement, but it shows that 
he was sufficiently powerful The epithet Chalukj^a-Pancha- 
nana given to him in this record further shows that he was 
fighting against Taila IL The expedition against him was 
led by Nagadeva , a general of Tail a. The battle betv/een 
the two was a sanguinary one, and the Chaiukya forces had 
actually begun to flee away from the battle when the situa- 
tion was saved by Bhuteyadeva, who made a counter-attack 
wherein he decapitated P^chaladeva. For this exploit Taila 11 
conferred upon him the title of Ahavamalia and made him 
a Mahamandales'vara/^^^ The overthrow of Panchaladeva 
must be placed before 977 A.D.; for in that y^ar his successor 
Rachamalla Ilfwas already upon the Ganga throne/^^^ 

Taila II was thus able to retain the throne against all 
the claimants that arose to fight for it after the overthrow of 
Karka II. It must have required some time for him to com- 
pel all the Rashtrakuta feudatories to recognize his overlord- 

61. E. C., XI, Bangalore No. 37. 62. E. L, VI. p. 260- 

63. Torgala inscription, I, A., XII, p. 98. 

64. Peggu-nr inscription, !..A., VI, p. 102. 

i,ast";four rulers 


ship,, Santivarman,- the Ratta chieftain -of Saundatti, is 'Seen 
ignoring his , sovereignty in 980 A.D.; his ' successors, however, 
are all of ' them seen professing allegiance to -the new 
imperial house. The Silaharas- were deeply attached to the 
Rashtrahuta house as would appear from the mention in their 
records of, their Rashtrakuta overlords even when they had 
been overthrown long ago. They also were compelled ■ by 
Taila to, transfer their allegiance to his, family, ' The Yadava 
king Vaddiga became a zealous supporter of Taila and parti-' 
,cipated in his wars against the Paramara king Munja, It is 
needless for the historian of the Rashtrakutas to follow further 
•the career of Taila If. 




Political Divisions 

In order to understand properly the administrative 
machinery of the Rashtrakuta empire, it would be necessary to 
recall to memory its wide extent. The empire usu^y ex- 
tended over southern Gujarat. Marathi districts of the Central 
Provinces, Konkan. the whole of Maharashtra, practically 
the whole of the state of Hyderabad. Karnatak, and 
portions of the state of Mysore. Its northern boundary 
extended from Cambay to Houshangabad; the eastern boun- 
dary. which is rather difficult to determine precisely, probably 
ran through Houshangabad. Nagpur. Chanda, Warrangal and 
Cudappah. The southern boundary was formed partly by 
the Northern Pennar, beyond which extended the Sana ^d 
the Nolamba principalities, and partly by an imaginary line 
starting from the sources of the Northern P ennar and passing 
through Chitaldurg to the Arabian sea. The western boun- 
dary was, of course, the Arabian sea. Sometimes, as under 
Govinda III and Krshna III, the empire embraced wider 
areas, but the annexation of territories beyond the boundaries 
above indicated was temporary, for the Rashtrakutas did not 
succeed in permanently amalgamating them with their empire. 
It should not be supposed that all these areas were directly 
governed and administered by the imperial government frorri 
Malkhed; for there were numerous feudatories enjoying vari- 
ous powers of internal autonomy. How these were controlled 
by the imperial government will be indicated in a later 
chapter of this part. 


I ms wide empire must obviously have been divided into 
several provinces for administrative purposes. The Rashtrl! 
feufa land-grants usually refer to Rashtrapatis. Vishaxapatis 
and Gramakrnas in the stated order. The almost tvarble 

^^shtrapatis makes is quite clear that 
R shtja was the largest administrative unit and Visha-<a 
I S su dmsiom Under the.KaIachuris and the early Chaluhyas 
who preceded the Rashtrahutas in northern Maharasfca 

unit, but the Rashtrahutas seem to have reversed 
K nomenclature, giving the name Rashtra to the larger and 
FzsAaya to the smaller unit, the term Mandala was used 

do no, .„y Mcrj^lu divisions i„ *0 W provin"^ 

to Rlilr' **“5' r i"v.rially 



a vishaya roughly corresponded to a modern district, usually 
consisting of about 2, *000 villages and hamlets) 

'The next territorial division was a hhuhtu The ofiicerio 
charge of its administration was called a bhogapati or bhogika^ 
Our records do not refer to him along with Rashtrapatis and, 
Vishayapatis, probably because he did neither come into 
■ ■■direGt contact with the grantees of the land grants like ■ the 
gramakata, nor possessed considerable revenue powers like 
the rashtrapatis and vishayapatis. The Samangad plates of 
Dantidurga refer to Kopparakapanchasatabhukti, and the 
Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsha I mentions Majjantiya* 
saptati-grama-bhukti. The Paithan plates of Govinda III 
show that- Pratishthana- bhukti contained several groups of 
12 villages. It is. therefore, clear that the bhuhti division 
contained about 100 to 500 villages and hamlets. It thus 
corresponded sometimes to the modern Taluka or Tahsil, and 
sometimes to the subdivision of a district under the present 
British administration, 

(It is not to be supposed that the above conclusions about 
the dimensions of the units referred to, hold good universally. 
The use of the terms used to denote territorial divisions 
differed from province to province and age to age.) Thus 
bhuhti, which was a sub-division of a vishaya in the Deccan 
and Kathiawar, was used to denote a territorial unit larger 
even than a mandala in the contemporary Gurjara-Pratlhara 
empire of the north, as is clear from the Dighva-Duboli grant 
of Mahendrapala/^^ The term denoting a territorial division 
corresponding to a modern district, current in Kathiawar, was 
ahara or aharani and not vishaya, as was the case in the 
Rashtrakuta empire. The fact that the Wani-Dindori plates 
should refer to Nasik as a desa and the Dhulia plates of Karkka 
Pratapasila, issued 29 years earlier, should describe it as a 
vishaya shows that these terms were sometimes used eyeUi in 


official d(^uments with a certain amount of looseness. The 
ac t at Karhataka is called a vishaya both in 768 A.D. when 
. 10.000 village „a«s and in ,054 A.D. whe" 

« con.,stod of only 4.000. shows that the old nomenolatun, 

" u””* '■•d 'Wed in 

. Ihe conclusions above mentioned are, therefore, onlv 

(The villages in each bhukti were divided into smaller 
groups each group being named after its principal village. 

. villages contained in ' it!' 


silf ^ s'^bdivi- 

and P ■ Karpatavanijya, Vatapadraha, 

wav taluhas or sub-divisions respectively. This peculiar 

way o. nomenclature was not confined to small divisions 

that AIatage-sapta-4ata, Afihottaha-chaturaiiti. show 

pre eience to terms like mskaya and bhukii. This would show 
that the dicta m the Mahabharata,<=> Manu<fi> and Vishnu 

aS" OOQ^il '^Sether 10. 20.' 100 

art i ^ purposes was based on 

actual practice, and not on imagbary calculations. 

ha J , territorial unit was the village. Sometimes small 

for ^ village were amalgamated with it 

J r'T*' ''■‘W ™«. however, 

varm ‘^*®t*'''=tive existence; when king Nandi - 

naltoakT'^-fi*'' Kumaramangala a^d Ven- 

na turakotta villages into one and name the new group 1 


5. SSniiparvan. 87, 3-5. g. Vjj jj^ 

7. Ill, 4-6. o t? I ITT 

8. E. I.. Ill, p. 144. 


13 ^' 

cities formed' administraliw onits- 
:by tiiemselves and were under the charge of special 'officers- 
: 'known as Purapatis or Nagarapatis. Since early time this cus- 
tom prevai!ed;)Arthasastra of Kautaiya, II 36, and Manusmriti,. 
Yll 121, both lay down that towns and cities were to be 
under the jurisdiction of separate officers. Jaugada special 
edict No, I of Asoka mentions nagaravoharakas who were in 
charge of town government in his administration. Under 
the' Gupta administration' cities like Kotivarsha^^^ and Giri-- 
nagara^^*^' were under the charge of officers specially entrusted 
with their control, supervision and government. 

The numerical figures attached to some of our territorial 
divisions mentioned above require further discussion. It has 
been stated that these represent the number of villages and 
hamlets included in the divisions concerned; but there are 
several other interpretations in the field. Rice had proposed to 
regard these figures as indicating the revenue in gold coins 
of the divisions concerned/ The use of these figures in 
such a sense is not unknown; the fertile Ashte group of 
Villages in Satara district is still popularly designated as 
** Ashte-lakh-and-a-quarter, because it used to yield a revenue 
of that amount when the other groups were paying much less* 
There are, however, several difficulties in accepting the theory 
that these figures in the vast majority of cases denote the 
revenue of the units concerned. It is difficult to imagine how 
the revenues of Banavasi 12,000, Gangawadi 96,000, Nolamba- 
wadi 32,000 etc. continued to be the same throughout, since 
these figures are almost invariably associated with them in 
different centuries. The figures, if interpreted as the revenue 
amounts, are besides too small even if we proposed to regard 
them as referring to Kalanju, the usual gold coin current in the 
locality. It was not an unknown practice in our period to 

9. E. !,. XV* pp. 130 §L 10. C. L I.* Ill* No.' 14. 

11. Bhandarkar Qommemoration pp. 238-9. 


maicate the revenues of a division by giving its figure after 
It, but the method followed was different. A concrete case 
of such a use is supplied by the Mudiyanur Bau inscrip, 
tion, which describes Andhramaijdala as ‘ dvadas a-sahasra- 
i^iima-sampadita-soptardhalaksha-viskaya', a country with a 
revenue of seven and half lakhs accruing from 12,000 villages 
included in it. None of the numerous expressions occurring 
in our records is similarly worded. Another difficulty in 
accepting this theory is the fact that the larger part of govern- 
ment revenue in our period was collected in kind and not in cash. 
If the government revenues were entirely collected in cash, 
then nomenclature of divisions after the amount of the revenues 
collected in them was likely to he current. There is also a 
fether difficulty. SrI-Budhavarsha was a feudatoiy of 
Sikharika-dvadasa in southern Gujral in 813 Bankeya, 

Ae viceroy of Banavasi, had appointed his son Kundate as 
the off icer over Nidgundige 12. If we accept the theoiy 
k l! applicable, we shall have to suppose 

mat Mahasamanata Budhavarsha was the ruler over a state 
he revenues of which were 12 golden coins, and that the 
mighty governor of Banavasi. a favourite of the reigning 
emperor Amoghavarsha, had appointed his son as an officer 
over a division the revenue of which was the same amount 
12 go.den coins. Could a person have acquired the feudatory 
^tus^if his income were so small? Could the mighty 
Banavasi governor have appointed his son to a post less im 
portant than that of a village patel or accountant ? 

Nor does it appear very likely that the figures could have 
stood for the population of the divisions concerned. We have 
a solitary expression referring to Gangawadi as Shannavati- 
sahasmvisha^aprakrtayah,'-^^^ but this expression is used while 
mentioning the witnesses to the document in which it occurs 


and, 'therefore, means that the transaction is known to .or' 
attested by the whole population of the province of Gangawadi 

96.000, The population theory further presupposes that census 
was regularly taken during our period. No evidence can*, 
however, be adduced to prove that such was the case. The 
view that was once advanced that the Khandagiri inscription 
of king Karavela mentions the population of Kalinga was 
based upon a wrong interpretation of the expression ‘ Pamil- 
sahi satasahasehi pakatayo ranjayati' occurring in that record. 

35.00. 000, however, represents not the number of the subjects 
of Kharavela but the sum he spent in promoting their welfare. 
This interpretation will be further absolutely inapplicable 
and absurd with reference to small units like Sikharika 12 
mentioned above. The view that these figures do not re* 
present the entire population of the divisions, but the fighting 
force that could be mustered from them or the number of 
house-holds that were comprised in them is open to a similar 
objection. It may be further pointed out that the inapplicability 
of these views in not confined merely to the cases where the 
figures are small ; for it is extremely unlikely that Banavasi 

12 . 000 , Gangawadi 96,000 and Nolambavadi 32000 , which 
together comprised an area greater that the modern state of 
Mysore, had a population of only 1 , 40 , 000 . 

As against the interpretation here advocated that these 
figures refer to the villages and hamlets comprised in the 
divisions concerned Rice contends that the figures in many 
cases are too large to admit of that interpretation. He points 
out that Gangawadi 96,000 could never have comprised 96.000 
villages, even supposing that its area was entirely covered by 
villages only and by nothing else. The same is the case with 
Nolarnbawadi 32,000 and Banavasi 12 , 000 . Dr. Pran Nath, 
in a recent work of great interest, seeks to get over this diffi* 
cuhy by proposing a new interpretation for the term grama. 
He contends that in the time of the Guptas and even much 
earlier it appears that the word grSma was used in official 


records for an estate and in poetical and literary works for a 
tillage or settlement/^^^ He interprets the figures after 
the names of the divisions as referring to estates contained 
in them; thus Konkana 14,000, ^aoavasi 12,000 etc. meant that 
-:these units comprised of so many estates. 

With reference to the theoi^y^ that grama in our inscriptions 
means an estate and not a village, it has to be confessed that 
the arguments adduced to support it do not bear close exami- 
nation. The passage quoted from AbhidhanarajsnJra does 
not mean that in the remotest period of Indian history the 
word grama was used in ten different meanings, viz. (l) cows 
igavah); (2) grass {trinani)* (3) boundaries {slma); (4) 
pleasure-gardens ( arama ); (s) well {udapana); {6} servants 
{chela) \ ( 7 ) fences {bahih); (s) temple (devakala) ; (9) 
an estate (ai^agrak); (lO) owner {adhipafijS^'^^ A glance at 
the commentary, relevant passages from which are quoted 
below, will show that the word never conveyed such 

Stiidy i'l the Economic Conditio ns of Ancient 
17. /HcZ, p. 28. 

18. irr% ctwTf 

qifr ^ aar n 

3t*r 1 5i«wt W: srrf i ^wr>T 

' JiTJT I crat I 

infl ft ft" ^ g I 

ncir #cr sRsr ^ crfr ’irifr ii 

’irtr ^■3n% crt: ^r#r 

*1^ ? srf^ fEf^T >Hw:JTra?-fpmT Jrwr'JirRfr 

sra^'cfi 5T 

st efcsirr iictT: ?inr: 

JiTiT: I . S:i[cRr f^iTirT iWtcr t TO ST.Wcit 

gTOfsfTTO TOT% cmrf^r ^ rnTra^ww TOr% STO i cir ^ rg htw 
I sTf TOft' ^niT: i smpt 

c p. 't. 0. 


diverse meanings. .The verse in question ref ers -to ten different 
theories about the extent of area that, was denoted by the term 
§fama» : The first .theory maintained that it, could comprise 
not only the area of settlement, but also the territory upto the 
limits of which the cows go out while grazing. The second 
theory contended that grama could not denote so extensive 
an area, since cows often go out for grazing in the fields 
of contiguous villages. It maintained that only that much area 
which is traversed by the grass and fuel gatherers in the course 
of the day can be comprised in the meaning of the term 
in question, • The third view maintained that even this inter- 
pretation is open to a similar objection and, therefore, grama 
denotes only the area included in the boundaries of the village 
in question. The fourth view reduced even this extent and 
prefered to regard as comprising only the area upto 

the village well The subsequent views go on curtailing the 
extent of ^ram a still further till the climax is reached when it 
is contended that grama means that temple or village-hall 
which was first built in the village, and around which the 
settlement subsequently grew. The commentator further 
observes that grama ^ in the opinion of some, meant the indivi- 
dual houses of the speakers; the last view cited by him is 
that the term can be used to denote the headman of the 
village as well. It may be pointed out that the sense of the 
landed estate is nowhere advanced by any of the schools 
referred to in the Kosha. 

( Continued from last page } 

I i w \ nm,' 

mr wr ^rr ft* u 


The second passage .relied upon to prove that irama can 
mean an estate is a sentence in Nasik cave inscription No. 5, 
The passage in question, runs as under:— 

. " Ahmehi pmajitanam ■hhikhnnam game KakhaMsa pma 
kheiam dattam;ta cha khetam im)kasate ta cha gamo na Pasaii.* 

Senart, who has .edited the inscription, translates the 
passage as follows: ‘ We have here on mount Tiranhu formerly 
given to mendicant ascetics dwelling in the cave, which is a 
pious :gift ' of ours, a' field in the village of Kakiiadi; but this 
'.■field is not tilled nor is the village inhabited/ It will be .seen, 
from the original passage and its translation by Senart that it 
can hardly support Dr. Pran Nath’s conclusion that * a ksheira 
could be .described as -a grama and that the ^ word vasaii was 
used in the sense of cultivation as well as that of habitation/ 
As -a matter of fact the passage differentiates a ksheira or 
field from a grama or village in the clearest possible way. 

Further, it can hardly be advanced that in chapters 171 and 
173 of the Arthas'astra of Kaulalya,the word grama has been 
used in the sense of an estate. The passage clearly refers to 
the devastation of ordinary villages. But there is no room for 
doubt as to the sense in which the term grama has been 
used in the Arihas astral for while describing the coloni- 
sation of new areas the book says, ‘ Villages, con- 
sisting each of not less than a hundred families and not more 
than five hundred families of agricultural people of Sudra 
caste, with boundaries extending as far as a krosha or iwo^ 
and capable of protecting each other shall be formed.’ ^ 
This passage can hardly be consistent vrith the view that 
Kautalya uses the word grama in the sense of an estate. 

With reference to the objection raised by Rice against 
the view that these figures cannot be possibly interpreted as 
the number of the villages comprised in the divisions concern- 
ed, it may be pointed out that it may be a valid objection 

19, Arthas'astra, Dir,. Shamasastri s translation, p. 49. 

21. Konnur inscription. E, I., VI 
23. I. A.. X. p. 284. 24. E. I., 


only with reference to large numbers like those associated with 
.Banavasi. or Gangawadi and. 'not with reference to smaller" 
figures associated with vishayas and bhuktis in the inscriptions 
hailing' fro.m, Gujarat, Maharashtra- and northern Kamatak ' 
- India is a fairly vast country and the usage may have quite 
conceivably differed province by province and century by 
-Gentury* Whatever may .be the difficulties that may be ■ pre- 
sented by the figures associated with the- divisions in other'' 
provinces, there can be .no doubt that the theory, that they 
represent the number of villages, not only does not encounter 
difficiikies in the -provinces just mentionedj but is actually 
supported by the wording of several documents. Compare, 
for example, the following expressions : — 

( ■%) ■ 

( ^ ) 

(- \ 

The express mention of grama in association with the numbers, 
mentioned in the above passages makes it fairly obvious that 
we have to interpret these numbers, even when the term grama 
is not immediately used alter them, as indicating the numbers, 
of villages and hamlets included in the divisions concerned. 
Nor can it be argued that the gramas mentioned in thia 
connection are mere estates or fields and not ordinary villager 
consisting of village-settlements, the cultivable land, pasture 
and waste land, if any, that lay round the settlement. For, ia 
a large number of cases the gramas mentioned in our rccorda 
can be actually identified and they are found to be ordinary^ 
villages of the above description. Thus Kanttograma, above 


referred to, mentioned in the Surat plates, is the village of 
Kattargam near Sorat/"^^ Villages of Vilavade, Paragava, 
and Aitavade mentioned in the Samangad plates of Dantidurga 
still exist, occupying the same relative positions, and bearing 
names which are hardly different from those given in the 
plates in question. Ail these are villages of the ordinary type 
and none of them is an estate. The village of Vatapaciraka 
given in the Baroda plates of Karkka is modem Baircda, the 
villages of Jambuvavika, Ahkottaka, and VaghacLha which 
are stated to be to the east, west and north of Vatapaciraka 
are the same as modern villages of Jambuvada, Akota and 
Vaghodia which are to the east, west and north of Baroda. 
None of them is an estate, all of them are villages of the 
ordinary type. Talegaon plates of Krshiia^"^^ record a grant 
of Kumarigrama along with the adjoining hamlets of Bhama- 
ropara, Arulava, Sindigrama and Taravade which was 
situated to the west of Khambagrtoa and Vorigrama and to 
the east of Alandiyagrama and Thirugrama. Most of these 
villages still exist and have been identified by Dr. D. R. 
Bhandarkar. Kumarigrama is Karehgaon, Bhamaropura is 
Bhowrapur, Arulava is Uruli, Sindigrama is Seedoneh, 
Taravade isTurudi, Khambagramais Khanegaon,Vorimagrama 
is Boree, Alandiya is Chorachi Alandi, and Thirugrama is 
Theur. The Konur inscription of Amoghavarsha grants a 
§rama or village called Taleyur situated in Majjantiya bhukti. 
The inscription adds that the king also granted 12 nipartanas 
of land in each of the 30 villages of that division, the names 
of which are given. Out of these 30 villages, 13 can be 
identified and they are within a radius of 7 or 8 miles from 
Kolanura where the Jain temple, which was the assignee of 
these lands, was situated. They are all villages of the ordinary 
type and cannot answer the description of an estate. Now one 
and the same document cannot be using the term grama in 
two different senses. If the term grama used in the expression 



‘"adbhuUimrtkhutrinsatsmpigra^ means a village of 
the ordinary type, it most mean ' the same ' thing in the 

expression Majjantiyasapfatigramahhuktu 

Another difficulty in accepting the view, that the figures 
we have been discussing indicate the numbers of estates 
comprised in the divisions concerned, is the fact that sometimes 
the grama included in a division is situated miles away from 
the headquarters. ■ Thus the village of Kannadige granted in 
the Hon wad inscription of Somesvara I is in Bijapur Taluha» 

, about a hundred miles from Karhataka or Karad, the capita! 
of Karhataka 4,000 in which it was situated. It must be 
confessed that if Karhataka 4,000 meant a division of 4,000 
estates situated round about Karhad, it is almost impossible to 
explain the existence of one of these estates nearly a hundred 
miles from Karhad, unless we assume that big Zemindaris 
existed in the Deccan of our period, about which, however, 
there is no evidence yet forthcoming. A grama in the 
Karhataka 4,000 can be found in Bijapur district, only if we 
assume that the term indicated a village and not an estate. 

The figures associated with the territorial divisions of the 
Deccan in our period are small, and we have seen that they 
can be interpreted as referring to ordinary villages comprised 
in the divisions concerned. But how are these figures to be 
interpreted with reference to Gangawadi, Nolarnbawadi and 
Banavasi, where, as pointed out by Rice, they are too large to 
admit of that interpretation ? It may also be confessed that 
we do not usually come across the inclusion of the term grama 
after these figures, as is the case with a number of records 
from the Deccan, as pointed out before. 

It may be pointed out that in our period the average 
wiilage was much smaller and the number of hamlets included 
under it was much greater than is the case now. We get 
■concrete evidence on the point from Inscriptions Nos. 4 and 5 


at the Rajarajesvara temple^ inscribed towards the iaeginning 
of the ilth century. These two reccrds mention the grant c-f 
about 35 villages made to the temple by king Rcjcrcja. Out 
of these, only one has an area of more than about a ihousan j 
acres, four have an area of 500 to 1,000 acres, ihrce, an area cf 
300 to 400 acres, seven, an area cf 20C to 3CC acres, six, an area 
of 100 to 200 acres, three, an area c£ 50 to iCC acres, six, an area 
of 25 to 50 acres and, two, an area of even less ehan 25 acres. 
The village (grama) of Gonturu. granted by /\mma i, had 
12 hamlets (gramafikas) attached to In SS7 A.D. the 

village of Beli-ur had also 12 hamlets under it, and the revenue 
of ■ all ■ these ■ put together was only 80 coins, presimiably 
Kalanjus,. . and 800 measures of paddy It is quite clear, 
from the amount of revenue, that the village in question, as. 
well as the hamlets included under it, must both have been 
very snialL 'It may . be further observed that these: small 
villages cannot satisfy the description of estates or fields. 
Inscriptions Nos. 4 and 5 from the Rajaraieivara temple make 
it clear that even villages wdth an area of 50 to 100 acres are 
described as having their village sites, threshing floors, temples, 
tanks, burning grounds for high caste men, the same for the 
pariahs, etc. Only two of these villages, Kaniaranagar and 
Nagarakarkurichchhi, whose areas were about 42 and 20 acres 
respectively, can be called estates; for, they included only 
cultivable land and no village sites. Another inscription from 
north Arcol district mentions the grant of a certain piece cf 
land by the citizens of Melpadi, the eastern boundary of which 
is stated to be Pulikkuran, which is described as one among 
the villages that were acquired and belonged to the grantor 
city as hamlets (Pidagai), and which was not divided into 
house sites. These three hamlets can certainly be described 
as estates or fields rather than villages, and they would 
support the theory of Dr. Pran Nath that grama meant an 



■estate and not a ..viliage. ' , It musL however, be pointed out 
that these are the only instances where we have a clear case 
of the term §rama being used in that unusual sense. ' In a!i 
other cases which are almost innumerable, we have the word 
used, in the ordinary sense. To conclude, in the extreme 
south of India the average village in our period was very much 
.snialier than the present typical village, it .is, therefore,: 
not impossible that the numbers associated with Gangam^adi, 
Nolambawacli etc.' may represent ■ the villages and hamlets 
inciodad in them, if assume that the .numbers, .were 
exaggerated to a certain degree. 

The theory of exaggeration of numbers is, however, 
based on an unproved assumption, and it is quite likely that 
the figures occurring after these divisions may mean something 
else. It may be pointed out that the figures associated with 
llie divisions in southern Karnatak and Tamila country .all 
in thousands. In this respect they pointedly differ froiii' 
■those associated with small territorial divisions in the Deccan,, 
where they are usually small and precise. Rice has observed 
that Nads were often called ‘thousands’ in Karnatak. It is, 
therefore, not unlikely that Banavasi’ 12 , 000 , Gangawadi 96 , 000 , 
Nolambawadi 32 , 000 , Tondai 48,000 etc. were so designated, 
not because they contained so many villages, but because 
they consisted of 12 , 96 , 32 , and 48 divisions or nais. 
This seems lo be die most likely explanation of these 
figures that can be thought of at present, a nad should 

have been popularly called a ‘thousand’ is a question that 
remains to be answered. Perhaps in .theory a ndi w'as 
popularly supposed to consist of a thousand villages, though 
in actuality it may have had many less. It is also not 
unlikely that the term ndi was first applicable only to bigger 
divisions actually containing about a thousand villages, but 
that later on it came to denote much smaller divisions. The 
precise interpretation of these thousands associated with ndA$ 
is at present not possible. ^ _ ,, , 


Central Government': King and 'Ministry ■ 

iKing'in -ministry was the normal form, of the government , 
in the Rashtrakata empire. Feudatory administrations were 
also governed by the same principle, ■ Neither iiterature* , nor ' 
epigraphical records, nor accounts by foreign travellers disclose: 
the existence of a non-monarchical form of government a!iy-« 
where in the Deccan of our period.^ This is natural, for even 
in the north, governments were, all monarchical at this time, 
as we know from the account handed down by Yuan Chwang. 
Tribal or republican forms .of government, which are known to 
have been persisting in northern India down to the 4th century 
A.D., cannot, however, be traced in the south, even in the 
earlier period. This is rather strange when we remember 
that the village council was more democratic and elective in 
the south than was usually the case in the north. This may 
be due to the dearth of historical material relating to the earlier 
period of the history of the Deccan, or to the possibility of 
democracy not having extended beyond the scope of the 
village government 

^ Kingship at this period was hereditary throughout India. 
We nowhere come across any elective type of monarchy in 
our period, either in the south or in the north. We get only 
one clear case of the election of a king which is referred to in 
the Rajafarafiginh jThis case occurred in 939 A.D., when at the 
death of S'urvarman there was no heir of the Utpala dynasty 
to succeed him, Kamalavardhana, who had actually become 
the de facto king, requested the Brahmanas to elect a king/ 
anticipating that none but himself would be elected by them. 
After considering the claims of several claimants, the Brah« 
mana assembly decided to elect Yasaskara. This, however, 
is the only known case of the genuine election of a king by 
a section of the general population as distinguished from 



ministers or feudatories ; but the observations of Kalhana 'On 
the occasion show that a person who resorted to such a course 
was regarded as qualifying himself for admission into a luna- 
tic asylum / L Feudatories and ministers had sometimes a : 
determining voice in deciding as to who should be offered the 
crown, as when Gownda II was deposed in c. 780 A«D.» or 
Amoghavarsha HI installed in c. 936 A. D,) But statements ■ 
made even with reference to these occasions like 

Samantairatha Rattarajyamahimalambarthamahhyaiihitah 
* He was requested by the feudatories to accept . the. 
throne for supporting the glory of the Rashtrahuta empire,* 
are more figurative than real For we have already seen that 
Amoghavarsha III and Dhruva owed their elevation to the 
throne more to their own exertions than to the votes of the 
feudatories® iThe kingship was thus hereditary in our period 
and the crown passed usually to the eldest, and sometimes 
to the ablest son, as in the case of Go\anda Ill.i 

lln the Rashtrakuta administration, the advice of the 
Smritis that an heir-apparent should be selected in the life- 
time of the ruling king was usually followed. Sulaiman*s. 
statement, that the princes in India name their own success- 
ors,^^^ refers to this practice of the nomination of the 


n ii 

%qf 11 fj 

II m II 

2. Elliot I, p. 6. Electio^ as a possible means of getting a kingdom was- 
unknown also to Somdeva, a contemporary writer on politics; cL 

^ 1 v. 26. 


Yuvaraja. Usually the choice fell upon the eldest son» hnt 
he was not recognised as a Yuvaraja before he w^as formally 
annointed as such. ) Thus in the Taiegaon plates of 
Krshnaf'^^ his eldest son is simply referred to as Goviiidaraja, 
whereas in the Alas plates issued two years later lie is described 
as a Yuvaraja. Since the \iiiage in the Taiegaon plates was 
.granted at the request of Govindaraja, it is clear that he 
must have been a major by that time. And though the eldest 
son* he had not^at that time received the coronation as an 
heir-apparent, would appear that the heir-apparent 
had to attain a certain age, probably 24, before he could be 
formally annointed. If the king had no son, or if the one 
he had was a minor and the times were troubled ones, 
sometimes the younger brother was made the Yuvaraja.lThus 
.a Palase Kadamba grant refers to Bhanuvarman, the younger 
brother of the ruling king, as Kamyan nrpah or Yuvaraja, 
While the Ganga ruler Sivamara was rotting in the 
Rashtrakuta prison, his younger brother Vijayaditya was 
made Yuvaraja, and the Gattavadipur plates tell us that he 
refrained from enjoying the earth, knowing her to be his eider 
brothers wife.^^^ 

\The Yuvaraja had the status of a Panchamakasabda- 
SSmanta and was invested with a necklace which was the 
insignia of his office, |as would appear from the observation of 
Govinda III to his father, that he was quite content with the 
necklace with which he was invested hy the latter at the 
time of his appointment as an heir -apparent/ He was 
a member of the ministry, according to the Niti-sastra 
writers of the period, and we find him exercising the royal 
prerogative of granting villages, When the ruling emperors 
were old and of a retiring or religious disposition like Aniogha- 
varsha I or Amoghavarsha III, the heir-apparenls exercised 

3, E. L. Xin, p. 275. 4. I. A.. VI, p. 28. 

5. E. C., in, Nanjangad No, 129. 

6 E. L, IV* p. 242* , 7. Alas plates, E. L, Vi. p, 210. 



almost all the powers of the ruling kings. We have already 

seen how this was responsible for the overlapping ol the 
reigns of the kings just mentioned and their sons, who succeed- 
ed them.^^^ {The Yuvaraja usually stayed at the capital. 
He was hardly ever deputed as a viceroy to an 
vince under the Rashtrakuta administration. The reasons 

wereobvious; if the Yuvaraja were absent Irom the capital 
his chances of succession were likely to be affected by the 

machinations of other aspirants to the throne. This was a 
real danger in the Rashtrakuta dynasty, whose records are too 
full of the wars of succession. The Rashtrakuta practice was 
to depute younger princes and cousins as provincial governors.^ 
'Fhus'Dhruva was a governor at Dhulia in 779 A.D. before he 
rebelled against and ousted his elder brother Govinda H; 
Dhruva’s cousin Sanharagaija was a governor m Berar m 793 
A.D. Indraraja of the Gujarat branch had appointed his younger 
son Govinda as a provincial governor. These exarnples 
can be multiplied almost ad infinitum. Tne only case oi: tne 
eldest son being a provincial viceroy is that of ^tam a, ou 
his viceroyalty of the newly conquered province oi Gangawa i 
was rather an exile than an appointment.^ He ^vas sent there 
by his father who had superceded his claims in the Yuvaraia 

(When a king was a minor, usually a male relative was 
appointed to act as the regent. During tne minority o 
Arnoghayarsha I his cousin Karkka was appointed to carry 

on the administration on behalf of the emperor.^^ 1 he claims 

of Indra IV were being pushed forth by his maternal unc e 
Marasimha, who was his regent. (It is interesting to note 
that we nowhere come across queens or princesses as re- 
gents or governors in the Rashtrakuta administration.; Under 
the Western Chalukyas queen governors were not unknown ; 
thus Vijayabhattarika, the senior wife of Chandraditya, the 

8. pp. 89 and ll!2. 9., Torkhede Inscription. E. 1., 53. 


ivetaladevi, another wire or the same monarch, was the gover. 
nor of the airahara of Ponnavacla/”^ AkkadevI, an eider 
sister of jayasimha III, was governing Kinsukad 70 in 1022 A.D. 
KumkumadevI, an elder sister of Viiayaditya was admi- 
nistering Purigere 300 in 1077 Lakshmidevl, the 

chief queen of Vikramaditya VI, was in charge of 18 ag'm- 
haras in 1095 A.D. That lady governors should have been 
so common under the Chaluk^'as and altogether unknown 
under the Rashtrakutas is indeed strange. Can we explain 
this fact on the assumption that the latter Clialukyas, unlike 
the Rashtrakutas belonged to a stock which was considerably 
under the influence of matriarchy ? 

IThe regency must have lasted during the minority. The 
writers on politics like Sukra lay down that the king must be 
a major before he assumes the control of administration. That 
the injunction was observed in practice is clear from the state- 
ment of AhMasudi that no king could succeed to the throne 
before he was The age given by this traveller seems 

to be wrong, but his statement may be taken as corro- 
borating the Smriti view that minors could not be entrusted 
with the administration.'^ Kharaveia, we know, could not 
assume the reigns of government before he was 24. 

( A few words may be said about the Rashtrakuta, court. 
We have no detailed description of the pomp and splendour 
of the royal court in any contemporary document, but a few 
hints given by our records can be utilised. The access to 
the court was regulated by the royal chamberlain and his 

10. J, A., Vn. p. 163. 11. I. A.. XiX, p. 274 and p. 271. 

12. 1 . A.. XVm, p. 37. 13. Elliot Lp. 40. 



staff ; a verse in tiie Sanjan plates of Amoghavarslia I ' says 
that even feudatories and foreign potentates had to wait out- 
side the portals till they were called for audience. It would’ 
thus appear that Rashtrakuta kings transacted their business 
systematically; only those were admitted in the audience hall 
whose business was about to be considered. The court was 
suiTOunded by regiments of infanliy, cavalry and elephants ; 
these' were intended partly to secure safety and partly tO" 
show off imperial pomp. Very often the elephants and horses 
carried from the defeated enemies were exhibited outside the 
royal court along with other valuable booty/ Abu Zaid, 
a contemporary of the Rashtrakutas, has observed that the 
kings of India were accustomed to wear earrings of precious 
stones, mounted in gold, and necklaces of great value formed 
of pearls and precious stones. In the Rashtrakuta court also 
veiy probably the king must have appeared on ceremonious 
occasions in rich dress and ornaments. He was attended, as 
was the case with almost all the kings in contemporary drama 
and fiction, by courtesans and dancing girls; this custom was 
so common in our period that even Somadeva, the Jain 
writer of our period, is compelled to countenance Ai- 

Idrisi records its prevalence in the Chalukya court of Anahila- 
pattana/^^^ and the Nilgund inscription confirms the same 
conclusion when it informs us that Amoghavarsha 1 had 
covered all the territories of the numerous chieftains and 
hostile kings with thousands of courtesans. It would appear 
that the sovereign rulers used to compel their feudatories 
to accept some imperial courtesans in their courts. These 
used to be in immediate attendance on the kings and, there- 
fore, must have served as ideal spies. yThe gifts given by a 
concubine of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya II just before 
the rise of the Rashtrakutas would show that many of 

14. Sanjan plates. E. I., XVIII, p. 235 ff. 

15. Nitivak^mrta, XXIV, 29, 5L 

16. Elliot, I. p. 8*8 17. E. I., VI p. 102, 


these courtesans must have been fairly rich and may have 
wielded considerable power and influence. Al-Idrisi tells us 
that the Chalukya rulers of Gujarat used to go out once a 
week in state, attended only by women, one hundred in 
number, richly clad, wearing rings of gold and silver upon 
their hands and feet, and engaged in various games and 
sham-fights, — a description which reminds us of llie Second 
Act of Sahuntala, where we read of king Dushyanta being 
followed by araazon archers, while out on hunting. The 
statement in Kadba plates^ that the raoan-faced damsels 
of the court of Krshna ! used to delight the ladies of the 
capital by the movements of their lotus dike hands, , which 
could skilfully convey internal emotions, might ■: perhaps-" 
show, that a similar custom prevailed in the Rashtrahuta 
court also. It is a little unlikely that all the ladies of the 
capital could have been admitted in the royal court; in that 
case they may be seeing these dances in some processions, 
it is true that the British Museum plates of Govinda do 
not refer to any Yavanis or courtesans accompanying the king 
when the}-^ describe the boar -hunting of the king. But the 
king was at that time out on expedition and, therefore, the 
Yavanis or courtesans may not have figured in the hunting 

^.The Yuvaraja and other princes of the blood ro3"al, 
members of the ministry, the chamberlain and his assistants, 
military officers and other high dignitaries of state were the 
most prominent members of the royal court. Poets also were 
there, for the Rashtrakutas were liberal patrons of literature,] 
as will be shown in chapter XV. By the side of the poets, 
we might imagine, were sitting t^e astrologers. There is 
definite evidence to show that astrologers were maintained 
at the court of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas, and when we 
remember the great hold of astrology on the popular mind 



during our period, we may not be wrong in assuming.; that', the 
astrolo.§er3 figured in . the,' Malkhed court also. It,,' may .be. 
pointed; ou t tiia't the, Kamandaka-niti-sara^ BL work probably 
wri'tien at about ■ our period, lays down that' a' ■ royal ' 
astrologer should be always maintained at the court/^^^ The 
doctor is known to have been one of the court officers' of the 
.Galiadwalas*/^^^ for obvious reasons he could hardly Lave 
been: absent from the Rashtrakuta court as well Merchants, 
presidents' of guilds, a'nd other notables of "the capflai were 
prominent' among the non -official members of, the royal, coiiru 
The character of the Rash irakota monarchy, -whether it 
was limited or arbitrary, wWid be a question of great interest 
to the present-day reader. It may be pointed out that the 
Hindu monarchy was in theory always limited, but the con- 
stitutional checks thought of in our period by the theorists on 
the subject were of a different nature than those to which we 
are accustomed in the present age. Spiritual sanctions, effects ^ 
of careful and proper education, force of public opinion, divi- 
sion of powder with a ministry, supremacy of established usage 
in the realm of law and taxation, devolution of large powers 
to local bodies whose government was democratic in sub- 
stance if not always in form, -these were the usual checks on 
monarchy relied on by the Hindu political writers. Though 
it is not possible to agree with all that Mr. K. P. Jayaswal says 
about Paura and Janapada bodies serving as constitutional 
checks upon the king, it is clear that in some cases at least 
these bodies did exist. Deccan records, however, prove 
that the terms Paura and Janapada were not used to denote 
popular representative bodies in the Rashirakuta period.) 
Among the officers and bodies enjoined not to interfere wiih 
the enjoyment of landed property given to the donees,. 
Pauras and Janapadas do not figure in the period we are 
studying with the solitary exception of the Deoli grant of 


Krshna But that record omits all officers usually 

mentioned in such connection like Raslitrapatis, Vishayapatis, 
Gramakutas, Yuktas, _and Niyuktas and substitutes the ex- 
pression * SarPaneva svajanapadan in their place. It is clear, 
therefore, that Janapada here stands for subjects in general 
and not for their representative assemblies. The expression 
^ Janapadan in the expression ' Rashfrapati-mshayapatU 
naiarpati - gramapati - niyuktaniyukia - rajapuruska -janapadan\ 
occurring in a S'ilahara record of 1026 also refers to 

the subjects of the realm in genera! and not to any popular 

Although the term Janapada v/as not used in the sense of 
a popular representative council, it is not to be supposed that 
; non-official bodies possessing administrative powers did not 

exist in our period. Such bodies certainly existed in villages, 
and probably in districts (Vishayas) and provinces (Rashtras) 
as well; their members were known as Gramamahattaras, 
Yishayamahattaras, and Rashlramahattaras respectively. J It 
= has been already shown by me elsewhere ^"^ithat the expression 

; , Gramamahattara denoted a member of the non-official village 

li ■ council. Analogy would, therefore, show that 

I ras and Viskayamahattaras may have, very probably, con- 

slituted a body of the notables and elders in the province 
J and district respectively. Some kind of divisional popular 

;i lx)dies seem to have existed in Tamil country also, and 

;■ there is no wonder if we found them in the Deccan proper 

during our period.^ 

{Members of the district council, Vishayamahattaras, are 
:■ referred to in the Kapadwanj grant of Krshna IJ, and those 

i of the provincial council, Rashtramahattaras, in the Dhulia 

23. E. i., V, p. 195. 24. I. A., V. p. 278. 

25. Altekar, J. Village Communities in the We&tern 

India^ pp. 20-21. (Humphrey Milford, 1927). 

26. R. C. Majumdar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, pp 211-13. 

27. E.L, 1. p.55. 



plates of Karkka, son of ■ These bodies were not 

innovations of the , , Rashirakutas., for the Vadner • plates . of ' 
Kalachuri king ' Budharaja. , dated 609 also refer to 

■ Rashtramahattaradhikarinah,y 

must be, however, admitted that out of the numerous • 
Rashtrakuta grants, mentioning various officers and bodies,' 
only^ the above two records mention the members of the 
district ' and provincial councils. This circumstance can, 
however, be explained on the assumption that these councils 
were not normally expected to interfere with the enjojmient. 
of the lands granted to the donees, rather than by the 
hypothesis that they did not exist except under Govinda I! 
and Krshna 11. There is nothing improbable in the evolution 
of the bodies of Yishaya- and Rashtramahattaras on the 
analogy of the council of Gramamahattaras which existed 
almost everywhere in the Deccan from c. 500 to c. 1300 A.D. The 
Rashtrakuta charters may be mentioning Gramamahattaras 
and omitting Vishaya and Rashtramahattaras, because the 
first mentioned councillors, being the members of local village 
bodies, were, unlike the last-mentioned ones, directly con- 
cerned in the matter.) 

^Our records, however, do not give any clue as to what 
were the powers of these councils of the district and provincial 
notables or representatives, whether they were elected, if so, 
by whom, how frequently they met and how they transacted 
their business. Considering the means of communication in 
our period, it would appear very probable that the meetings 
of these bodies could not have been very frequent Their 
powers, therefore, must have been considerably less than 
those of the village councils. If they were as powerful as the 
village councils, one would have heard much more about 
them than is actually the case at present An officer called 
^ MahattamasarmdhiJmrin * is mentioned in the Begumra plates 

28. E. L, VIII, p. 186. 29. E, L. XII, p, 130. 

28. E. L, VIII, p. 186. 


of Kfsliiian as the dniaka of the grant/^^^ !t may thus 
appear that the Vishaya- and R^shframahatiaras had an 
accredited officer of theirs, probably their president, who was 
perhaps acting for them when they were not is session) 
Ganapati, the chief councillor of Bankeya, the Banavasi viceroy 
of Amoghavarsha I, was a mahattara;^^'^^ he may have been 
^ probably selected from among, or elected hy, the Rashtra- 
mahattaras of Banavasi. In Saka 991^’^“*'' one of the niiiiisters 
of the Yadavas of Seuiideia was Mahattama Srl-^.lmaditya, 
lit is possible to conjecture that some of tlie memhers of these 
■ bodies w’ere selected for some of the posts in^ the ministry J ^ 

{whether corresponding to these nebulous provincial 
councils of mahattaras, there existed in the capital a grand 
' council of the empire we do not hnov/. Such a body is 
nowhere referred to in ■ our documents bill there is nothing 
■impossible in its having existed. It could not have probably 
met frequently, if it existed at all, and it rmisl have been 
'■eclipsed at the capital b the Icing, his ministers, and other 
high officers, . Its powers could not, therefore, have been very: 
substantial, j 


^11 the writers on the Flindu political science hold that 
ministry is the most important wheel of the administrative 
machinery, and evidence can be adduced to show tliat reai“ 
polity included that institution since very early tinies. The 
Rashtrakuta administration is no exception to the general rule. 
Ministers under this administration were very important and 
influential members of government. Narayana, the foreign 
minister of Krshna III, has been described in the Salotgl 
inscription as another hand, as it were, ‘ Pratihastah " of 
the emperor, as dear to him as his own right hand. The 
Pathari Pillar inscription of the feudatory Rashirakuia chief 

30. I. A., XIII, p. 66, 31. E. 1., VI, pp. 29 ff. 32. E. 0 , 225, 

” 33. q; I E. L, IV, p. 60. 


Parabala: states that he used ,to regard his premier as worthy 
of salutations by his own head. A record of king Krshna 
of the Yadava ;: dynasty ' compares his minister to his own 
tongue and: right hand.^'^^'^ Another record of the same- king 
slates how his premiers feet were brightened by the crest- 
jewels on the head of the . feudatories. It is, therefore, no 
wonder that the ' ministers sometimes possessed feudatory 
titles and were .entitled to the Panchumahas' abdm.) Dalla. 
the^ chief foreign minister of Dhruva, was a Samanta entitled 
to the use of the five great musical instruments/.^®^ -Kalidasa, 
the war minister or commander-in-chief of the Chaluhya king 
Jagadekamalla, is described as entitled to the Panchamaha- 
sabdas in a record of his hailing from Badarni. (Consulta- 
tions with the ministry before embarking on a particular course 
or policy are rarely referred to incur records, probably because 
there was no occasion to do so. But the above evidence regard- 
ing the influence of the ministry would show that ministerial 
consultations are not mentioned simply because the copper- 
plate grants are not treatises on constitutional theory and 
practice. ^ It may be, however, pointed out that a record of the 
Yadava dynasty, which succeeded the Rashtrakutas in the 
northern portions of their dominions, states while recording the 
grant of some shops for certain religious objects, that the king 
had consulted his ministers before making the grant in 

must be, however, pointed out that there may have 
existed some rulers in our period who may have ridden rough- 
shod over the heads of their ministers. Naturally the majority 
of our records would pass over such cases. A perusal of the 
Rajatarahiim shows that side by side with ministers who 
ruled wisely and ably, there existed others who were worth - 

34. E. !.,lX, p. 254. 35. I. A.. XIV p. 69. 36, E L. X* p 89. 

37. I. A., VI. p, 140. 

38. cf. 1 A.. XI r, 


less puppets in the hands or their tyrant masters, 1 he same 
may perhaps have been the case under some of the Rashlra- 
kuta ruiers like Govinda 11 or Govinda IV, who were noto- 
riously licentious. But the power, influence and utility of 
a ministry vary with the capacity, nature and temperament 
of the king and the ministers even in the limited monarchies 
of our present day. The same may have been the case in a 
slightly aggravated degree in the past, when the constitutional 
checks of the modern types were unknown. But these- 
occasional exceptions do not disprove the proposition that 
under normal conditions abler ministers exercised a great 
influence on the administration in the age of the Rashtrakutas.i 
How the weal of the kingdom was regarded as very intimately 
connected with the ministry may be seen from the following, 
verse in a grant of Govana III of the Nikumbha feudatory 
family of Khandesh which, though belonging to a slightly 
later time than our period, may be regarded as embodying 
the views of the Rashtrakuta age as well: — 




*When Changadeva was the good premier, the nation flou- 
rished, subjects and allies were content, religion (i, e. virtue) 
increased, all aims were attained, the wise were liappv' and 
prosperity was visible everywhere.’ * 

fOur records being usually copper plate grants do not 
dilate upon the merits and qualifications of ministers. The 
Salotgi inscription of Krshna III, however, shows that ministers 
were expected to be learned and well-versed in the science 
of politics/^*^’ Some of them, like Narayana of this records 

39. LA., Vin. pMl. 

40. CL Wm: I E* U IV, p. 60, 



were also poets, as was the case in the age of the great Guptas 

Arthasastra, booh I, chapter 3, Santiparvan, chapters 82, 83 
and' 85, Kamandaka-Nitisara IV, 25-31, Nitivakyamrta X, 5, 

, ;,Sukra II, 52-64, Barhaspatya Arthasastra IJ, 42, etc,, lay down 
in 'great details the qualifications of ministers. But a perusal 
of these passages does not leave the impression that ministers 
were ex:pected to be military leaders or generals. Kamandaka 
and Somadeva observe in passing that ministers should be brave 
and Somadeva adds that he should know the use of missiles 
but even such general statements are not made by any .of the 
remaining writers on the topic. In the Deccan during the period 
under review we, however, find that ministers were very 
frequently military leaders and were accustomed to take a 
leading part in the warfare of the times.^ Thus Chamundaraya, 
a minister of Nolambantaka Marasimha who was a feudatory 
of Krshiia III, had won for his master the battle of Gonur by 
defeating the Nolambas; in 1024 A.D. the minister of records 
and the director-general of registration in the administration of 
the later Chalukyas had the title of ‘ Mahaprachandadanda-^ 
nayaka \ showing that he was a high military or police-officer, 
we travel a century more, we find a reference to ministers 
being chased in battle in the Teridal inscription This 
record further shows that all the five ministers of Kalachuri 
Bijjaladeva were military leaders or Dandanayakas. Recruit- 
ment of ministers from military officers was fairly common 
in the Deccan of our period. It may be also pointed out that 
the great Shivaji had insisted that all his ministers, with the 
exception of the Pandit, should be competent military leaders* 

It is possible to conjecture that most of our theoretical writers 
do not include military ability among the qualifications of the 
ministers because they hailed from the north, where the 
41. S'aba, a minister of Chanciragupta II, was a poet as well. C. I. L 


recruitment of ministers from tKe military ranks does not seem 

to have been very common. 

/^e charters issued by the Silahlras, who were the 
feuktories of the Rashtrakutas in Konkan. frequently descnbe 
the whole administrative machinery, naming all the mmijers 
*d their respective portfolios. Thus ^ , 

prince Chittarajadeva. the ministry consisted of five members 
L 1024 A.D/«^ 61 years later under king Amntadeva of the s^e 
dynasty it was reduced to four/^^' The Yadavas of Chandor. 
lo were ruling over a petty state, had a minist^ of seven « ^ 
mm A D It is to be very much regretted that the 

I^htrakuta secretariate did not follow the practice of the 
Konkan feudatories and name the various ministers and heir 
portfolios in the copper plates grant^ 

^ little information about the actual strength of the Rashtr^ 

toa ministry and the various portfolios of f ^ 

perusal of the provisions upon the subject m the Niti and Smmi 
Ltks shows that there were no hard and . • 

strength of the ministry. The number varied from 8 m 20. 
some predecessors of Kautalya preferred very small mimstoes 
erf 2 to 4. In actual practice the Hindu king seems to have 

remembered the saying of Kautalya that the strength of *e ; 
ministry should vary with the needs of the situation and acted . 
accordingly. Considering the extent of the Rashtrakuta empire . 
-we may well presume that the ministry at the capital must 
have been fairly large, since those of the smaller contemporoy | 
feudatory states consisted of as many as 5 to 7 members. ; 

few of the ministers are actualiy mentiWfa 



safDadafsHn or general superintendent over the members of 
the ministiy/^’^^ Jlyanta, who Js called sarmsya mushthUM 
or the 'Person in charge,, of all; administration in a record from 
Halasi belonging to ■ the :,6lh century • Bahhiyaka, 

who is styled as a JAano or the prime -mimsier in. 

the Vaghli inscription of Seunachandra, - dated 1069 
and the premier of the Yadava ruler Kannara, who is desig- 
nated or the officer with powers over the 

whole administration, were all of them occupying the status 

corresponding to that of the Sarmdarsi Pradkana of S^ol^ra* 
Bhadravishnu, who was a Puranamatya under Kapardin, a 
feudatory of Amoghavarsha I ^ and Krshnambhatla, who 
was a mahamatya under Dantivarman of the Gujrat Rashtrag 
kuta branch in 867 A. were also holding similar positions 
in the respective administrations. Since earlier contemporary' 
and subsequent administrations are seen to be having the 
post of the premier in the ministry, it may be regarded as 
almost certain that the Rashtrakuta administration could have 
formed no exception to the general rule. As in modem times 
so in our period too, the premiers often used to take some 
particular portfolio as wdh Thus the premier of the Silahara 
ruler Anantadeya was also the Lord High Treasurer in 
1085 A D. and that of the Ysdava king Seunachandra IX 
was also in charge of the reyenue administration. 

Owing to his exalted position the premier often enjoyed 
the status of a Mahasamanta entitled to the Panchamaha- 
s'abdas; he was also saluted by the feudatory chiefs of the 
Imperial power, It is no wonder then that we sometimes 
find feudatory chiefs making grants at the dictation of the 
premiers of their overlords. When the king was temporarily 
absent from the capital or was unable to attend to duty owing 

47. 11, 82. 48. L A., VI, p. 24. 49. E. L, 11, p. 225. 

30. L A., Vn. p. 304. 51. 1. A., XIl, p. 136. 

52. E., I., VI. p. 287. 53. L A.. IX, p. 35. 

54. LA., XU, p. 127. 55. Sec ante. p. 160. 


to illness or some otKer similar reason, the administration 
was entrusted to the premier, as would appear from an anec- 
dote narrated by Mahmud Such, of course, would 

have been the case when the heir-apparent was too young to 
assume the responsibility of the administration. I 

, l,The designation of the Foreign Minister, who has been 
invariably^calied a dnta in the works on politics like the Artha- 
sastra, Rajadharmaparvan and Manusmrti ( chapter VII } etc*, 
seems to have undergone a change by this time throughout 
India. Most of the epigraphica! records use the more pom- 
|:^us and expressive title of Mahasanihwigrahaka to denote 
me person who held that responsible office in the ministry. 
This minister figures several limes in the Rashirakuta record, 
and we see him usually entrusted with the drafting of the 
copper plate charters creating alienated holdings. One ex- 
pects the Revenue Minister to draft such charters, but the 
work was usually entrusted to the secretariate of the foreign 
minister, probably because the charters had to describe the 
genealogy and the exploits of the grantor and his family 
and the foreign office had the most reliable and up-to-date 
information on the point. It v/ould be interesting to note 
that there is an agreement in this respect between the 
epigraphical practice and the dicta of the contemporary 
Smritis on the point. An anonymous text quoted in the 
Mitaksham on Yajnavalkya I 319-20 states:— 

The drafter ( of the copper plate charter) should be the per- 
son who IS the foreign minister; he should draft the charter as 
dictated by the king himself.* The Mitaksham itself adds that 
the charier should be caused to be drafted by the foreign 
minister and by no one else,^ 

56, Elliot, H, p. 163. 


(Rashtrakutas had several feudatories and neighbours* 
Mahasandhivigrahaka or the chief foreign minister must, there' 
fore, have had several ordinary Sandhivigrahakas under him. 
This inference, suggested by the formation of these two words, 
is confirmed by the Bhandup plates of Chhittarajadeva 
from which we learn that among, the members of that king's 
ministry Sihapeya was the principal Sandhivigrahaka and 
S'rl-Kapardin was Karnataka-Sandhivigrahaka or the foreign 
minister for Karnatak If the small feudatory kingdom of the 
S'ilaharas required two foreign office officials both of the status 
of a minister, the ministry of the big Rashlrakuta empire must 
have had at least about half a dozen foreign ministers, bearing 
titles like Gurjara-Pratihara-mahasandhivigrahaka, Gauda- 
mahasandhivigrahaka, Pallava-mahasandhivigrahaka etc. The 
post of the foreign minister was an important one; the well- 
being and prosperity of the kingdom depended upon his skill 
and ability. It is, therefore, natural that he should have often 
enjoyed the dignity and status of a Samanta entitled to the 
PanchamahaSabdas under the Rashtrakuta administration/^^ 
As he had to draft foreign despatches, he was expected to be 
skilful in penmanship, 

(A third member of the ministry figuring in Rashtrakuta 
records is the chief justice who is mentioned in the Sanjan 
plates of Amoghavarsha I as the drafter of the grant The 
chief justice is mentioned as a member of the ministry in 
almost all the works on administration and he was the final 
appellate authority for cases coming from the lower courts, 
except when the king decided them himself* 

Since many of the ministers and governors were military 
leaders, it is obvious that the commander -in -chief must have 
been a member, and an important one, of the ministry. 


. includes the Commander-in-chief in the ministry and the 
Deccan administrations are seen to be following the view of 
hukra, rather than that of the Deccanese Somadeva. The 

retrTh rf“4 ^ Yadava 

re.OTd Ihe Gahadwala records use the prosaic title of 

^enapah (It is extremely probable that in the Rashtrakuta 

mmKtiy there may have been several war-ministers like the 

foreign ministers. The empire was a large one and constantly 

engaged in warfare with its neighbours ; hence this inference 

seems to be mast natural and almost certain. The status of 

generals and war-mimsters was veiy high.j Kalidasa the 
commander-, n-chief of the forces of Jagadekamalla, was’ also 

P atial buildings were permitted to use elephants for riding 
ere invested with bnlliant robes, and cunningly worked staffs’ 
Wh,ch we„ .he ,k,i, office, .„d w.„ auioriaed ,o 

They had like 

offic!*^^Th”^"*^"’l^’'® musical instruments of thei’rown 
ottice, ihese privileges are no doubt mentioned in connec- 
tion with generals. But we have seen already that even civil 

SlvT '"r war-minister could 

hardly have been a civilian; hence he must have enjoved 

-imilar. if not higher, honours and privileges. Similar previ- 

getX K-^T" Chalukyas. one of whose 

generals. Kalidasa, was the supreme chief of great feudatories 

“f Examples a.a 

oot uabaown of gratoM monamhs commemorating the 
ntemoty of Aett successful ganeml, by granting them yUlagel 
after U,em.<«> When it is remembemd Ut.i during 

iTT on ‘“-“o™- the privileges 

6®' A VI roo - E..,, Xin,p.3« 

' A., VI.p.lSD. 64. I.A..Vin,pp.27S_80 


associated with the office of a general or war-minister need 
not cause any surprise. I 

' {fPuroAifa, who was since, early, times an impprta^^^- 
member of the ministry/®^^ seems to have ceased to belong^to- 
that body in the period we are studying. In the Silah|ra ,, 
records he is differentiated from Mantrins and Amatyas, 
and in the Nltwakyamrta^^’^^ and Gahadwala records from the ; 
mantrins. ■ We do not possess any evidence about the Rashtra- 
huta administration, but it is not improbable that here too 
may have been an officer of the royal household rather t an 
a member of the ministry. The place of the Purohifa was 
taken in our period by an officer whose business it was^ to 
excercise general superintendence over religion and morality. 
Pandit a, the minister of morality and religion in the S ukranitu 
seems to embody the tradition of dne ^hammamaliamaty^ 
of Asoka, Samanamiahamatas of the Andhras^^^^ and tm 
Vinayasthitisthapakas of the Guptas. The tradition was 
continued in the north by the Chedis;|)one of whose Records 
mentions Dharmapradhana in addition to Mahapnrohita^ 

The office existed under the early Rash|raku|a ruler 
raja in 708 and the officer bore the significant title or 

Dharmankus a. It is not unlikely that the descendants 
Nannaraja may have continued the office when they rose to 
the imperial position in the Deccan. One may be reasonably 
certain that at least under kings like Amoghavarsha I an 
Amoghavarsha III, who were more interested in matters 

Cf. Gautama, 11, 2. 12. 17. Budhayana Dharma-Sutra. I. 10. 7. 

Arthas'astra I Chap. 10; Kamandaka IV, 32. S'ukra III. 78. 
Bhadup plates, 1. A., V,, p. 277. 67. Xi, 2. 

E. L, XI. p. 24. 69. Nasik Inscriptions. E, I., Vill. p. 91. 

A seal of this officer was discovered at Vaisali by Bloch ; A. S 
R., 1903-4, p. 109. 

■ 71. Kumbhi plates of VijiiyasiAha, J. A. S.' B. XXXI, p. 1 16. ^ 

72. Muliai plates. 1. A., XVIII, ptv2^r/ 


66 . 
68 . 


spiritual than temporal, the office must have been revived, 
if it had been allowed to lapse under their predecessors. 

a or the Revenue Member figures in a record of 
theYadavasof Chandor, belonging to the 1 1th centur>'/”> 
it IS obvious that a similar portfolio must have existed under 
the Rashlrakutas as well. The functions of this minister 
must have been similar to those described by witers like 
b ukra (ll 103-5) and Somadeva (XVlIl). In the Malhhed 
administration he must have had a veiy big staff and 
secretariate under him.^or.asvWill be shown in the next chapter, 
H e centra! administration of the Rashlrakutas had hardly left 
any revenue powers in the hands of the provincial governors 
and ffie district officers. In our grants we no doubt find 
toe king making the grants and the foreign minister usually 
drafting them ; but the officer who must have been princi- 
^ y consulted by the king must obviously have been the 
Revenue Member or Amatya. whose office used to keep the 
^cessaiy records connected with land tenures and ownership. 

he Inspector General of Records must have been working 
mder the supervision and control of the Revenue Minister. 

e is not mentioned in Rashtrakuta records, bat documents 
of contemporaiy dynasties refer to him and mention his desig- 
nation sometimes as ‘ Mahakshapatalika ‘ and sometimes 
as Ssanadhikarin. ^rom the Miraj plates of Jagadehamalla 
we that this officer had a big clerical establishment under 
h™-. when his Mahakshapatalika interviews Harsha we find 
him accompanied by a number of Karanis or clerks. I There is 


the descendant of the previous donees approaching Indra III 
to get his title confirmed by the new administration/^^^ The 
history of this ' village makes it graphically clear that 'ihc:, 
■secretariate of the governments of our period used, to preserve 
careful records bearing upon land-ownership. The ■ originals 
of the copper plates were preserved at the district head-quar- 
ters; -the Biiadana plates of Aparajita/^^^ issued in 997 
expressly declare that the original draft of the copper plates 
in question was preserved at Sthanaka or modern Thana, 
which was the head-quarter of the division. The copper 
plates w^’ere carefully compared with the original draft when 
they were inscribed by the smith; the Surat plates of Karka, 
which I am editing, state at the end that the chief of the 
imperial secretariate had certified that the contents of the 
plates, as they were engraved on copper, were identical with 
the original draft. From the Daulalpura plates of Bhoja^^^^ we 
learn that if the copper-plates granted by the grantor were 
lost by the donee, government used to enquire into his claims 
by a reference to its secretariate. 

[Treasurer, who is stylled as Samaharta by Kautalya and 
Sumanfra by S^ukra, was another member of the ministiy, 
Samgrhltr who figures in the list of the Ratnins of the 
Vedic period was discharging similar functions. We do not 
find this minister mentioned in the records of the Rashtrakuta 
dynasty, but he figures in S'ilahara records bearing the title 



invariably in the Gahadwala copper plates and his omission in 
our records must be due 'to ' the' fa'ct that the Rashtraklj|a 
secretariate was not followingihe practice of mentioning all 
the ministers and their different portfolios in the copper .plate 
chaiters.) ■ ' 

^ Praiinidki is the only minister '^mentioned' by Suhra 
whom we miss in our epigraphical records* His function was; 
to act for the king and S'ufera gives him a status inferior only 
to that of the heir-apparent/’*^^ His absence in our records 
may be due to the fact that kings of our period were accus- 
tomed to attend to the administration either themselves or 
through their heir-apparents, but not through a Praiinidhi, 
Palitana plates of S'iladitya, dated 574 mention an 

officer called Rajasfhanlya, immediately after Rajaputra and 
before Amatya; he may, therefore, be possibly occupying the 
position of the Pratinidhi of S^ukra. The Antroli-Chharoli 
plates of Rashtrakuta Karkka,^®®^ however, use the term 
Rajasthanlya to denote royal officers of a very low grade, 
would, therefore, appear that Pratinidhi or Rajasthanlya 
not a usual member of the ministry in our period. It 
pointed out that among the writers on political science 
S'ukra includes him in the ministry. 

I Our records supply us with veiy little information aOoot 
the manner in which the daily business of administration was 
carried on at the capital. The secretariate at Malkhed must 
have been a big one ; it must have been divided into several 
branches, each supervised over by its chief. S'ukra lays down 
that each minister was to be assisted by two secretaries, 
but in big empires like those of the Guptas, the Rashtrakutas 
and the Guriara-Pratiharas, the actual number of secretaries 
must have been obviously greater. The same writer lays down 
that ministerial orders were to be approved by the king before 
they were issued/^^^ this practice, too, we may well presume 

78.11.71. 79. E. L XI, p. 115. 80 . J. B. B. R. A, S., XVI, p. 108. 

81. il. 109-10, 82. 0. 363-.9, 

method of routine administration ■ 

was followed in our period, especially since towards the end 
Jie sLt plates of Karkka. we find the king expressly 
stating that he had perused the document. Some of t e o 
records show that royalorders. when drafted by 
Ite. were countersigned by the Chief Secretary:^’ m our 
documents. ho^»;ever, we come across the royal sign-raanua . 
and the names of the composer of the grant and the per^n 
who conveyed it to the grantee. Ministers and 
taries are conspicuous by their absence. It ^ 

. probable: that daily routine orders may have been J 
ministers with the counter-signature of the king or 


Provincial, District, Divisional and Town Government 
A. shown alroady in Chapter VII. ^the 

antpire was dividotl into several provinces or 

— ^ i “Thi ^Xr'rthe 

rCfrfluSn hno-. 

iB extent, it could not have been leas than ebou.^O™ ^ 
Sonre otlhe gov.moB of these provboes were 
we have seen already/^^ others were appointed in le g 
of their distinguished military services as 
Ky dre appointnmn. of B.nt^a to the J 

Banavasi 12.000 under Amoghav^sha 1. P 

governors had their own courts at 

replicas of the imperial court on a smaller Mnhamanide- 

usually of the status the MaA^nta 

s' vara and often bore the title of king (Rcja m bansk 

in CmutresoU Thus die governor of 

called Marakka-rasa and the one under 


iLT 1 fill one: 



Rajiditya-raja-paramesvara. *^’ Bankeya and his descendants 
who were ruling the same province from about 850 A.D., were 
hereditary Mahasamanias. It wall be soon showm thaCthe 
feudatory status was enjoyed even by lower officers like 
mshayapatis. The reason why these district and provincial 
governors were allowed to use the feudatory titles seems to 
be that some of them were the descendants of the local 
kings who were once independent, but were subsequently 
conquered by the imperial power, and continued in the 
government of their patrimony as its own officers or governors 
This practice, recommened by Manu,^®* was followed in 
practice on many occasions in Ancient India. ) 

f in the Rashlrakuta administration the provincial governors 
had considerable powers over their subordinates^ Some idea 
of this control may be had by a few concrete cases. In 
912 A.D., when Mahasamanta Kalavittarasa was the governor 
of Banavasi, a subordinate of his, who was the Mamlatdar or 
Tahsildar (NalgavuijJa) of Giduvalge 70, became disaffected 
and was about to escape to the neighbouring kingdom of 
Gangawadi. While attempting to do so, he was arrested in 
Kumbise district by the orders of the governor.'^’ When 
Chitravahana, the Commissioner of Alurakheda 6,000, became 
insubordinate in c. 797 A.D., the governor of Banavasi had to 
I lead an attack against him. These instances would make 
it clear that\the provincial governors had large military forces 
under them, which were used in times of peace for controlling 
local officers and feudatories and for preserving internal peace 
^_;^and order. In times of war with the neighbouring kingdoms 
these forces were requisitioned by the imperial government to- 
fight its own battles: this is made clear by the Konnur inscription 
of Amoghavarsha I,'®* where we find the Banavasi governor 
now fighting with the Gangas, then running up to the capital 

2. E. C,. Vin, Sorab Nos. 40 and 22. 3. Vil. 202. 

4. E. C., Vin» Sorab No- 88. 5. lUd, Nos. 10 and 22 

6. E. UVb r5.29. 



to quell aninsurrection there -with his own battalions, and then 
again' joining the imperial army in its expedition against the 
Pallavas* , The: same record represents Bankeya as coming at 
the head of the hereditary (Mat?/n) forces; this would show 
that military service was a normal feature of the duties' of th©' 
provincial governors and that they used to maintain hereditary ' 
troops which were probably maintained, as will be shown"' "in .. 

' Chapter XII, by the assignment of entire villages to them. ■' 
Provincial , governors -were also at the head of the revenue . ■" 
administration. This would be clear from the fact that they 
are invariably mentioned among the officers requested not to 
interfere with the peaceful enjoyment of the rent-free lands 
and villages granted by the emperors. Revenue settlement 
of the villages and fields in their jurisdiction was carried out by 
these officers in conjunction with the local bodies; one such 
fresh settlement necessitated in 941 A.D. by the drying up of 
an old canal is referred to in an inscription hailing from the 
province of Banavas i. ^ ^ ! 

(^Ths Rashtrapatis of the Rashtrakuta administration were j 
occupying approximately the position of the Rajjukas of Asoka, J 
but they did not enjoy the same autonomy; the central 
government at Malkhed exercised a much greater control 
over them. Though often enjoying the status of Maha- 
mandaleivaras or Mahasamantadhipatis, they had no power- 
of making grants of villages; even Bankeya, the favourite 
governor of Banavasi under Amoghavarsha I, had to seek 
imperial permission in order to alienate a village in favour of 
a Jain temple. In the Nidgundi inscription of Amogha- 
varsha I we no doubt find Bankeya giving 6 mattars of 
cultivable land to a temple of Mahadeva at the request of his 
son; but it is not clear whether the land granted was govern- 
ment property or part of the private landed estate of the 
governor. Very probably the latter may have been the case; 

7 , E.C., vm. SorabNo. 83. 

8. Konnur Inscription. E, L. VI, p. 29. 9. E. I., VII, p. 214. 


if so. thestatemefit of VijSanesvara at YijSavalkya-smrti, I, 318. 
Aat land could be given in charily only by a king and not by a 
subordinale officer seems to have been based on contemporary 
practice in the Deccan.l) The Haiti -Mattur inscription fronr 
Dharwar District^ belonging to the reign of Indra HI does 
not really go against this conclusion; for it says chat Lendeya- 
rasa, the officer over Purigeii 300 caused to be allotted the 
village of Vattavur. The construction of the sentence becomes 
explicable only on the assumption that Leriieya did not 
himself make the grant, but only procured the imperial 
saMtion for the alienation of the village in favour of the temple, 
I I The patronage under the control of the Rashtrapatis does 
not seem to have been extensive. ^ In the Imperial Gupta 
administration, the uparikas or provincial viceroys could appoint 
vishayapatis or district officers and nagarapaiis or town 
prefects in the territory under their jurisdiction. Under the 
Rashlrakuta administration, however, the posts of Visha^apatis 
and even bhogapatis or Tahsildars were filled by the emperor 
himself. From the Nilgund inscription it is evident that 
the governor of Belvola 300 w^as appointed by the emperor 
Amoghavarsha I himself. Only petty offices like those of the 
supervisors over very small units, consisting of 10 or 12 villages, 
seem to have been filled by the Rashtrapatis, since we find 
. these appointments very often going to their own relatives. 

As observed already, the Rashtrapatis seem to have been 
assisted in their administrative work by a council of Rashfra- 


when grown insubordinate* it isi. therefore, clear that all the 
officers like the district,, subdivisional' and Taluka • officers^ had 
some military forces' under their ■ command. Some ' of the 
district officers or Vishayapatis enjoyed the feudatoiy status 
like the provincial governors; thus Kundama ‘raja, the governor 
of Kuntala vishaya in 1019 A.D., was a mahamani ales vara 
entitled to the PahchamahMabdas,;^^^^. W.hether all the .district ' 
offic ers enjoyed .this status is doubtful# ) 

/ Vishayapatis exercised considerable . . revenue powers, 
since they are ' invariably mentioned in the copper plates, ^ 
among the officers requested not to disturb the: possession of : 
the donees of the lands, or villages g.ranted. They must have ',, 
■been obviously responsible to ■ the provincial governors or 
to the central government for, the, revenue of their districts. 
Remission of taxes by subordinate officers required their 
sanction in order to be operative, but it is not clear whether 
they had not themselves to refer the matter to their superiors 
before passing their own orders on the point. In the Gupta 
administration the Vishayapatis had the power to sell the 
waste lands situated within, their own jurisdiction on behalf 
of the central government; it is not known whether the 
Rashtrakutas had permitted them similar powers, The 
administration was highly centralised, and it would be no 
wonder if we discover a record proving that no such powers 
were delegated to them, 

Vishayapatis were associated with a council of Vishaya- 
mahattaras in their administrative work. This body consisted 
of the notables of the district|' and its probable nature and 
powers have been already discussed on an earlier occasion/^.^^ 

Sub-divisional and Talnka Officers 

^^Districts or Vishayas were divided into several sub- 
divisions known as Bhuktis comprising of about 100 to 500 

15. L A,, V, p. 17. 16. Kunihalimalli inscription# E. L# XVI, p, 280. 

^ 17, Ante, pp, 159-60, 


villages/^^^ The officers over these divisions, which roughly 
corresponded sometimes to modern sub-divisions of the district, 
and sometimes to the Taluhas, w'-ere known as Bho^ikas 
or Bhoiapatis. These officers did not usually possess the 
f eudatorj^ status but were generally commoners ; :■ Devana^va, 
for instance, who was administering Beivola 300 and was 
a favourite of Amoghavarsba I, was only a commoner. tWe 
sometimes find even these officers possessing feudatory 
titles/ but these cases are exceptional and rare. These 
officers were appointed directly by the central government as 
shown already. / 

■/Bhuhtis were subdivided into smaller circles comprising 
of about 10 to 30 villages. Officers over these seem to have 
been appointed, as shown above, hy the provincial or district 
officers.^ Very often even these petty posts went to military 
captains ; we find the Ganga ruler Botuga II appointing 
Manalera to the post of the supervisor over Atkur 12 as a 
reward for his conspicuous bravery in the Chola 

I Imperial officers appointed over the subdivisions and 
Talokas administered their areas with the help of hereditary 
revenue officers. These officers were known as Nadgavamlas 
in Karnatak and Des a^^rama-kat as in Maharashtra."! A country 
headman or Nadgavunda of Beivola 300 is mentioned in 
a record hailing from that division, and the record in ques- 
tion makes it clear that this officer was different from the 
governor of Beivola 300 appointed by the central government. 
TheManagoli inscription of 1161 A.D. enumerates among the 
officers assembled on the occasion *the 16 of the 8 districts.’ 
This expression ‘ 16 of the 8 districts’ can be best understood 
on the hypothesis that each of these 8 districts was in charge 
of two officers, one hereditary and the other appointed by 
the central government.^ Purigeri 300 and Beivola 300 each 

18. Ante p. 136. 19. L A., XII, p. 225. 20, E. L. VI. p. 56. 

21. E. L, XiV, p. 366. 


possessed a headman who was different from Marasimha, who 
was the officer appointed by the central government over 
those divisions. The Kumonelihalli inscription of Krshna II 
mentions Aladitya Gova and Kalpata as the officers holding 
the country shrievalty of Anniga appointment of joint 

Mamlatdars by the central government over a Taluka of 
about IQO villages is hardly an intelligent administrative pro- 
cedure ; probably one of the two officers, ' therefore, was the 
nominee of the central government and the other the hereditary 
Nadgavunda or the country headman of the division. In 
874 A. D. 5 when Banheya was the governor over Banavasi 12,000, 
his son Kundatte was the officer over the Nilgundige group of 
1 2 villages. When Bankeya proceeded to make a grant of five 
matiars of land at his son’s request to a local temple, the 
record informs us that he summoned his son Kundatte and 
Rap It is almost certain that this Rapa was the here- 

ditarj?^ headman of Nilgundige 12 in co-operation with whom 
Kundatte, the nominee of the central government, was 
administering the group of villages under his charge. Only on 
this assumption we can explain as to why he was summoned 
along with Kundatte. A des'a-gramakata-kshetra or the rent- 
free field of the district headman is twice mentioned in a 
spurious Ganga record from Lakshmeshvar; this would show that 
there existed headmen of districts who were partly remune- 
rated by hereditary rent-free lands, as is still the case with 
the Deshpandes and Sardeshpandes of Maharashtra. Tuppad 
Kurahatti inscription of Krshna mentions a tax which 

the cultivators had to pay in addition to the normal govern- 
ment demand for the remuneration of the country gavundas,- 
a tax which was as high as the king’s tax, probably because 
the latter was low owing to the field being ten^ple 
property. This record too supplies clear evidence proving the 

22. 1. A., XO, pp. 27 ff. 
24. E. L. Vn, pp. 202 ff. 

23. E. I., XVI, p. 280. 
25. E. I., XIV, p, 366. 


■ ♦ 

existence of country -headmen sim-iiar to village headmen, 
Like the Deslipandes of the -Maraiha period, these posts were 
hereditary; an inscription from^ Shiharpur informs us that 
when the Nalgavunda of Nagarkhande died while fighting 
for Kalavitta-rasa, the governor of Banavasi, his wife 
succeeded to the office which she ably managed for 7 years. 
Then when she decided to perform the sallekhana vow and 
die, she sent for her daughter and nominated her to’ her 
' office/ This case w?ouId make it clear that the post of the 
country headman was, like that of the village headman, a 
non-official and hereditary one. He being a man of the 
people must have served the purpose of popularising the 
administration to some extent. We do not know w'hether 
there existed popular bodies of mahattaras to co-operate with 
the divisional and subdivisional officers. But since there 
certainly existed, as will be shown in the next chapter, such 
bodies in villages there is nothing improbable* in the existence 
of corresponding bodies for these administrative units. 
It is, however, doubtful wheher they were more formal and 
definite than the councils of the vishaya - and rashtramahatiaras^ 

^^he subdivisional and Taluka officers wrere under the 
control of the Vishayapatis and the Rashtrapatis; \we have 
already seen howft^e Nalgavuiida of jiduvalge 70 was imme- 
diately arrested by the governor of Banavasi when he was 
suspected of sedition and disaffection. This incident will 
give some idea of the rigorous control exercised over these 
officers by their superiors. They had no powers to alienate 
any revenues on their own account; the Kyasnur inscription of 
Krshna refers to the remission taxation given to a field 

of two matiars by the officer over the Edevola division for the 
purpose of the local tank; it would appear that these officers 
had the power of assigning some revenues for public purposes. 
It is, however, not unlikely that even for such remissions the 



■ ■ ..f;: . ' ' ■ . . ' 

previous sanction of the higher authorities rnay have been 
necessary; otherwise, the meticulous way in which the above 
inscription states that at the time of the grant a ar^a 

Kannara was the supreme lord, Maharaja Kalavitla was the 

governor of Banavasi. and the donee was the gavupda wer 
the Edevolal division will have hardly any signuic^ce. 1 he 
Sirur inscription of Amoghavarsha states that Devapas^a. 
the Governor over Belvola 300. had remitted a taxon ghee 
levied at the locality for his own spiritual benefit on tne 
occasion of an eclipse. This record does not invalidate the view 
above advanced, that these officers had no powers to alienate 
the public revenues under their own authority. 1 axes in kind 
on food-stuffs, vegetables etc. formed part of the pay of tte local 
officers in our period, and this custom persisted in the Ueccan 
down to the British rule. It is, therefore, almost certain 
, that the tax on ghee remitted by Devanayya in favour of the 
temple formed' part of his salary and. therefore, ne could 
dispose it off in any way he liked. The question as to how 
the officer could assign a part of the salary of his post and 
thus reduce the emoluments of his successor is also not ditli- 
cult to answer; the numerous resumptions even ot -gran s 
show that the grants, even when made in favour ^ mans 

and temples, were often revoked; the successor of Devanayya 
had, therefore, the power either to continue or revoke the grant 
made hy his predecessor according to his own inclinations. 

Town Administration 

( in the Rashtrakuta period the cities and towns were in 
chars’e of prefects who were designated as purapatt^nagamx 
patis. These officers are rarely referred to in the Rashtrakuta 
copper plate grants, but they are almost invari^ly mentione 
in the grants of the Silaharas. who were the Konkan feuda- 

28. 1. A.. XII. p. 218. 

29. Altekar, Village Communities in Western India, pp. 10-11. 


tones of the imperial power. Military captains were often 
appointed to the posts ; thus Rudrapayya, who was the pre- 
feet of Saravatura or modem Soratur in Kamatah, was one of 
the body-guards of the emperor Kishna Mahadeva 

and Pataladeva, the joint prefects of Badami under Jagadeha- 
malla in U4Q, were both of them Dapdanayahas or military 
officers. (Sometimes learned men also were appointed to 
these posts ; the 12 officers in charge of Teridal in S. M. C. 
are described in 1123 A.D. as promoting the everlasting six 
systems of philosophy. One expects active interest in art 
or philosophy from men of letters rather than from military 
generals. Kuppeya, a governor of Soratur under Amogha- 
yarshal, was a Mahasamanta; it would, therefore, appear that 
some of these town prefects enjoyed the dignit 5 ' and status of 
feudatories, as was the case with some of theRashtrapatis and 

The city affairs were managed by the prefects with the 
help of non-official committees. 5uch committees were fairly 
common during the period of Ancient Indian History; they 
are referred to by Megasthenes and Kautalya, they existed 
at Nasik under the Satarahanas.^^S) Pundravardhana divi- 
sion and Kathiawar under the Imperial Guptas. and at 
Bahuloda, Prabhasa ^d Anahilapattana under the Gujarat 
Ghalu^as. Coming to our own period and province we 
hnd that the administration of Gupapura in Konkan was 
vested in 997 A.D. in a prefect assisted by a committee of two 
bankers Ambus reshfhin and Vappaiyas'reshthin, a merchant 
called Ghelappaiyu. a Brahmana named Govaneya and some 

30. See Bhadana plates of Aparajitadeva, 997 A.D., E. I., Ill, p. 273 

Bhandup plates of ChittarSja, 1018 A.D., I.' A. V o' 278' 

31. I. A., Xll, p. 258. 32. i. a., XV, p.’l5.' 

33. Nasik Inscription No. 12; E. I., VIIl, p. 82, f»,, 

34. Damodarpur plates, E. I.. XV, p. 130; C. l’. I., HI. ^o. I4. 

35. Altekar. Towns and Cities in Ancient Gujarat and Kathiawar, 

P* 54. 

town municipalities 


clhers.®' The city of Aihole aUo had iB own 
tTZay in which these town 

there is no express reference to any election of these member . 
The stateme I 

*.Woh OCCUB ia the &!»!»» record. Ao™ 

bebly refe. » the three 

J 'SL™" a™"S 2 i representative, *e 

mentioned in the Mnlsnnd tare 

m’i A D This may suggest the inference that cities 

ditdded into several ward, (or Ae purpose .( 


i»;IrphW*Cdthereisnothi„a trf in a 

similar arrangentent being in ™gu. » »” . 77 “i “jt 
There must obviously have been some knd of ” 

Section (dr constituting the Ipwn ^h^ 

membors were non-o(fteials and were usually not more tnm 
L ’ ■ en or so. But the precise method adopted in the 

our period cannot be determined at present for 

: t 

want oi x-viaence. , « ■ ^ 4 .^ 

Our records do not supply us wiih the “ “ 

"t”?h.?I/wSe»”p3”u„L‘'Ae contml of A. 

records H^^ly supply any information about the methods 

36. E. I.. III. P- 260. 

38. A.S. R., 1904-5 p. 140. 

37. E. I.. VI, p, 260. 

42, Gibs, Ihn Baiuta, 


^^ereby the ioeal. dislrict and provincial governxBents ware 
supervised and controlled by the Central Government. Thl 
control and supervision were, as shown already, fairly rii^orous 
and It may have oeen exercised partly through the r;guiar 
official hierarchy, partly through periodical tours.— a orinciple 
recommended by Manu-> and S'uhra'- and practised t 
Asosa and Harsha,— and partly through direct orders from 
jmpenal secretariate ^carried by special messengers, who were 
Imown as_ VaUahhajmsancharinah ‘carriers of royal orders ‘ 
Ihe precise nature of the postal arrangements made by th- 
state m our period is not definitely known, but it is ob;ious 
hat postal runners and mounted couriers must have been used 
or the purpose with relays at convenient intervals.) Such 
amangements were witnessed by Ibn Batuta in the fiVst half 
of the i4lh century^ and it is very likely that Mahomedan 
administration may have borrowed the system from its Hindu 

Selection of Officers 

It would be necessary to say a few words here about the 
s^acuon of orficers to the various posts mentioned above. 

1 he selection was governed partly by military, partly by 
hereditary, and partly by educational considerations. We have 
already seen how many of the ministers, and •proviricT.,1 
district and town governors were military officers. wt 
probably they must have owed their appointments 'to 
distinguished service on the battlefield. In many cases offices 
were transmitted froin the father to the son. The vicerovalty 
of Banavasi 12 000 had continued for three generations at leas^ 

acnievements.^ When Kanijapa. who had won the governed 

batt.efield died, his younger brother Sobhaija stepped into his 

recruitment of officers 


place. Kautalya, Manu and Sukra recommend this prin- 
ciple of preference for heredity and the recommendation was 

acted upon in the Gupta period as well, at least in some cases, 
as clearly appears from the- Allahabad pillar inscription of 
Samudragupta^“’ and Karmadanda inscription of Kumara- 
eupta ! From A1 Masudi we learn that high offices in our 
period were often hereditary in India,^*;; and the submissive 
Brahmanas, who were appointed to lower admimslrative posts 
bv Kasim in Sindh after its annexation, were assured by him 
that their appointments would be continued hereditarily. 

The Rfijatarangim also affords numerous examples _ ot 
offices being transmitted hereditarily. This principle 
was thus widely prevalent in our period and the Banavasi 
governorship was no solitary example. The Surat plates ol 
Karha, v/hich I am editing, show that the father of Narayapa. 
the chief Foreign Minister of that ruler, was also occupying 
the post to which his son was later appointed. There may 
have been many more cases of this nature in the a minis 


^Tne minister Narayana of Krshna Hi, who is described 
as a prominent poet, a skilful speaker, and a 
expert in the science of polity.^®*” did not belong to a famiy' 
of hereditary ministers, as was the case with his namesake 
just mentioned: he was very probably selected for his educa- 
tional qualifications. I-tsing, who had visited India )ust 
before our period, has recorded how distinguished scholars 
used to be appointed by the Valabhi administration to res- 
ponsible posts.'®'' and the same practice must have been 
fairly prevalent throughout India for obvious reasonsl 

/ Many appointments must have also gone to royal favou- 
rites. who possessed no other qualification than that of being 

43 El IV p. 20. 44. G. 1. 1.. 111. P- 1- 45. E. I., X. p. 70. 

46. Em;;. I. p 20. 47. Ibidem. 48. CfJHh 2473 3322 etc. 

49. Being published in E. I., XXL 50. E. I. IV. p. 60, M. p. 181- 


in the good books of the ruling king. This need not cause anv 
burpnse. for such scandalous appointments are by no means 
rare even m the present ageJNo concrete cases of unworthv 
a -ountes bemg raised to h/gh offices are known {rl Z 
records but m contemporary Kashmir, many court-flatterm 
vere often appointed to responsible posts by some of its 

y have been repeated in the reigns of some of the dissolute 

and"? I line like Govinda 11. Govinda IV 

and Karka 11 Two of the generals of the last king are con> 
par^to the feet of Kali in a Chalukya record. 

iK^ fl, of oor period was highly attached to 

the throne; many cases are recorded in the Kashmir chronicle 
oya and devoted officers burning themselves on the 

py™ o( Th, seeLt 

I3e™ T?™" " r At" zpiJ 

rr. >oforms US that at the time of the 

cjonationofa king his deeply attached followers used to 
take voluntarily a portion of the rice prepared for the 

Semri to bum 

ows that Abu Zaids account is no cock and bull story.) 
onaleNo. 47 ' informs us that when Taila 11 died. Bop- 
^do^^f^ entered fire and went to heaven, 

it i« ^ r theoccasion of this vow. but 

Two nfh have been the kings coronation. 

J wo other rerards, Arkalgad Nos. 5 and 27. refer to two 

who burnt themselves 
death when their master died. From one of these records. 

52. See I^jatarangini VII, 580, Vlil, 183, etc; 

CA* P* Kauthem plates. 

st PlV^°^‘^^’ 1447 etc. 

to- Elhoi. I.P.8. 56. II, p. 339. 57. E.C.. VII. 


we learn that pensions were often provided for the bereave 

families of such loyal servants. , . , 1 , 

Ishtak Al Ishtakhri and Ibn Haukal stete that 
Rashti-akuta administration was very partial . 

and that none but Muslims ruled over their 

in that empire. This statement, if not exaggerated, will 

" iJSow L .h. peraon.1 law ot .ha 

tei-ed to ihem through their own Kazis. ... oil 

,i„„,een».o have given them die sanae W 

were reoommenaed to the goilde. traders, foresteis e..., 5 

the Smritia."" Muslim administrators nowhere hgm 
l^ records, and if tlrey tad r«.U, e*».«l, fc ^ 
ehroniclers would no. have been conuen. to ““ 

but the Muslims ruled over the Muslims in the Kash..iakuta 

eltetX would have claimed that there wera Mu.lnn 

officers in the administration who were rulmg ^ 'writers 

Muslims as well. The statements o t ese a 
are also sometime, wild and unrahaUei some rf " 

Idrisi bravely inform us that in the kingdom of Baihaia. i. e 

LlTrat-of Jt^dr «/"Sfevrd«h:; 

all persons except married women. 

sisters, and aunts if they are unmarned. 

Remuneration of officers was sornetimes by and^ 

and sometimes by salaries, paid partly m ^er- 

kind. The principle of offering rent-free 

vants is recommended by a number o J®/ . Q^n^cervice 
seen already how the country headmen had their ow w 

government had appointed a u* j: Translation hy MahesK 

cial affairs. See Sulaiman Saudagar. Hindi iranslation. oy 

Prasad Sadhti, pp. 35"*6. 

60. Brhaspati, I. 26; Gautama. XI. 23; Man . . 

61. Elliot. I, 89. 62. Kautalya.Il..;ManuVI1.118 9. 



lands known as Desa-gramakata-ksketra.f^ ft will K 

shown m the next chapter that villaee headmen ->1 ■ ? 

mniyhy (The ,!:l« rde 'izr £ 

any sutpnse ; for. a large part of the royal revenues were re 
ceived m kind. as\wili be shown in chapter XI, andfthe staple 
corn often formed the principal medium okexchange fo 
some of the Chola records<«^> the prices of artbie»4ifee pulses 

hutfo paddy ^"Thr’ Tr*' 

cash afone, A similar practice may have probably preva led 
in the Deccan under the Rashtrakutas. J 


Village Admimstration 

ment of the mam aspects and institutions of the village life 

w 'T I-™ been di.eessed by 

Cemmsna/e. Westmt 
■ t University Press. Bombay 1927.) A discus 


*|i » In this chapter the information about the 

AeTadf'^^'''T"V^ discussed: 

the reader IS referred-4o the above mentioned book for its 

previous history and subsequent evolution. 

/ Village Headman 

of a ‘'“I the charge 

tion f ^ ‘"®titu- 

rffoe T I hike the headman 

the Taluka and the district, the village headman was also 

p, 159, /^4 Q <*= 

1 ; Altekar. FiiiayeCommiimVies. pp!‘l4; 



a hereditary officer. He v^as more a representative of the 
people than a servant of the central governmenty The truth 
of this observation will be realised from the case of a head- 
man in Shikarpur Taluka who died of broken heart, or perhaps 
committed suicide, in 999 A. D., on seeing the ruin of his 
own town/J^ During our period this officer was known 
as a' Grtoakut^n Maharashtra and- Gavunda in Karnatak.-' 
Sometimes our records mention a Gramapati in addition to a 
Gramakuta-/^Mt would seem that Grtoapati in such cases 
denotes the holder of a village inam.) Gramabhoktrs figuring 
in some of the S'ilahara records seems to belong to the same 
category. ^In 974 A.D. the village of Kadkeri in Karnatak had 
a village governor in addition to a village headman; the 
former is described as a hero in battlefield and a touchstone 
of heroes. Some of the villages were, therefore, clearly 
assigned to military captains. V There are examples of some 
others being assigned to scholars, and the number of those 
alienated in favour of learned Brahmanas was considerable.*^ 
The holders of these villages seem to be referred to by the 
expressions ‘Gramapatis or *Gramabhoktris.’ The unalienated 
village, however, had usually no officer appointed hy the 
central government. It used to get its business done through 
the agency of the village headman. 

/Normally each village had one village headman; there 
are, however, several records of the Rottas of Saundatti and of 
the later Chalukyas, which refer to several headmen of one 
and the same locality.^ From the five Ratta records, of 
Saundatti published by Fleet we learn that Sugandhavati, 
Elerave, and Hasudi had twelve headmen each, while 
Hirayakummi had six. From a record belonging to the reign of 

2, E. a, vni. Sorab No. 234. 

3, Salotgi inscription of Krshna III, Surat plates of Karka, etc. 

4, E. g. Badana Inscription E. I., Ill, p. 273. 

5, !. A., XII, p.27L 6. E. I., IV. p. 64. 


Vikramaditya Vlwe find that TeridaL had twelve headmen/^'' 
■frhislai^^ of headmen, that we see in' these iocalities,. 

^ is rather iinusuaL It may be perhaps due to the', fact; that. 

' some' o these places were big towns; it is also not, unlikely 
that there may have been ■ prevailing, in these localities the,- 

■ GUstoBi of allowing the senior representatives of the mam: 
branches of the original 'headman’s' family to officiate 
simultaneously. | Two headmen,: representing the two- 
main branches of the original stock, still function in several 

■ villages of the Deccan; this principle may have been’possibiy 
given an extended application , in our ‘ period in some parts- 
of the Rashtrakuta Empire. 

The headrrian has been, since very early times, in charge 
of the defence of the- village. In the ■ Rashtrakuta, period: 
the villages did not enjoy that amount of absolute peace, 
which they have under the present administration* There- ■ 
were constant wars going on, and every villager had then^ 
unlike in the present time, the prospect of winning the general’s 
parasol. The population was well trained in the use of arms; 
even the bangle sellers could drive back armed forces and 
fight to the bitter end. The all-round training in the use of 
arms, the presence of numerous feudatories anxious to enlarge 
their dominions, and the ambition which the well-trained 
villagers must have had to show off their valour naturally led 
to several skirmishes between neighbouring villages usually 
occasioned by the desire to lift cattle. J We find an echo of 
these village skirmishes in the Nitwakyamrta, a contemporary 
work on politics*/^^^ the Canarese countiy is still dotted witb 
numerous Vu^gal records commemorating the death of the 
village heroes, who fell in these fights. Sorab inscriptions 
Nos. ]02, 216, 326, 351, 454, 455 etc. belonging to the reigns 
of Krshna II, Krshna III and Karkkalf, refer to the deaths of 

8, 1. A., XIV, p. 14. 

9, Altekar, Village Communities, pp. 45, 54-55. 

10. E. C., Vin. SoraL No. 530. 11. XIX, 11. 12. E.C., VIIf“ 

martial spirit among villagers 


the village heroes in skirmishes caused by this cattle-lifting 
propensity,— skirmishes which remind us of the Uttara-go- 
grahana episode of the Mahabharata. Honali No. 13 immor- 
talises the memory of another hero, who had died while 
fighting for the cows of his village. Naregal inscription of 
the time of Dhruva is also of a similar p'urport.^^*’ ^These 
records, though short, are thrilling ones; they let us know how 
these forgotten village heroes used to fight fearlessly for the 
safety of the villages where they were born and bred up, and 
even lay down their lives cheerfully, if necessary, for that 
purpose. Sometimes these feuds led to the destruction of 

villages;}a record from Hatti Mattur, belonging to the reign 

of Kishpa I, immortalises the memory of Dasamma and 
Ereyya, who had died while bringing about the destruction of 
the village of Mattavura. These village skirmishes were 
equally common in the Pallava and Nolamba dominions. 
frhe Rashtrakuta administration, which was fairly vigorous in 
revenue matters, does not seem to have taken effective steps 
to put an end to these village feuds. While admitting that 
many valuable lives must have been unnecessarily lost in 
these avoidable conflicts, it cannot be denied that the necessity 
of self-defence and the fighting atmosphere around him must 
have made the average villager a much abler and stronger 
man from the military point of view than he is to-day in the 
present absolutely peaceful atmosphere. Many Rashtrakuta 
officers were military leaders, and to them these militaiy 
skirmishes may not have been quite unwelcome, as they must 
have kept the martial spirit alive in villages, from where the 
army used to get its recruits.) It will be shown in the last 
chapter of this part how the average Deccanese in this period 
was eagerly enlisted in the armies of even the northern kings 
for his martial qualities. 

13. Ibid, VII. 14. E. I., VI. p. 163. I5t Ibid, p. 162. 

16. E. g. Ambur inscription of Nrpatungadeva, E. I.. IV, p. 180. 
Muttugot* inscription of Narasinsbavarman, E. I., IV , p, 360* 


/„ .11 .L a rule, had its own militia in 

( Every village, therefore, as a ruie. 

■iha D^icnofourpmocland the impenal t™, m„l have 

been larsely derailed from that force. The village head™ 

was .1 the head of the militia and was h.mse. a goon nghlej! 

Somb No. 445, dated c. 975 A.D., refers to a robber . at.aok on 

Kollana. a son of GAvonda Kda. wh™ he fought 

established his fame, and went w heaven- Another recowl 

from the same place, No* 359, which refeis to the deatn oi a 

headnum in a mutual skirmish among the Nahgayuodas. 

shows the same thing A reference may also bo m^e to an 

erwlyPallava record where we find the son of a headman 

mceiidng. grant for having slain Ae enemy and conuucttd 

with great devotion the wife of Yn»«ra,.m.lla a.nd her 


/The invariable mention of the village headman in the 
lak and village grants of our period shows that he w^ 

intimately connected with therevenue adrnimstration.NThrou^^ 

out the subsequent centuries under the Mahomedan. Maratha. 
and the British administrations, he has continued to be 
responsible for the village revenues.'^' ’-Ifin the extreme south 
in Tamil country where village councils were permanent 
bodies, meeting regularly and functioning methodically, we 
find, as will be soon shown, that the headman was mainly 
shouldering the revenue responsibility, even in the case of 
BrahmaJeya villages where the village councils seem to have 
been most developed. The communiques of the Chola 
government in revenue matters were addressed to the village 
headmen when it wished to give publicity to any particular 
policy.'"'” (Owing to his position and status the headman 
must have taken a prominent part in the meeUngs of the village 
council convened for the purpose of the settlement of pnvate 

17. E. C., VIII. 18. I. A., VII, p. 104. 

19. For detailed evidence about the assertions m this para the reader 
is referred to Altehar: Village Cotnrmuities. Chap. I. 

20. S. I.I.. Ill, p. 289, 


disputes in the village; he was also the village magistrate 
having powers to try petty criminal cases/®” It wa^teagpiii 
who organised public work committees and raised funds for 
them by public subscription and by securing government 
contribution, who entertained and looked after the officers of 
central government when on tour in the village, or went to 
interview them at the head-quarters of the division. The 
neTOtiations about the amount of the government demand 
were also carried on by him. The watch and wards arrange- 
ments were also under his control and supervision. Ihe 
village records, which were regularly kept in our period, were 
also under his custody. 

The headman was remunerated for his services in vari- 
ous ways. In our communities the dictum of Kautalya that 
he should be given rent-free land^®®’ a id the rule of Manu 
that the miscellaneous taxes in kind, tliat were payable daily 
I to the king by the villagers, should be assigned to him were 
both followed. We have already seen that the headmen of 

the districts had their own rent-free lands;)®” the same prin- 
ciple was extended to the village headman./) Their rent-free 
lands have continued to enjoy that character right up to the 
present day in Maharashtra and Karnatak.'®5> A record of 
the Rattas of Saundatti‘®®’ states that the Gavupda of Kadole 
gave 200 mattars of cultivable land, which was his rent-free - 

service land, situated in the circle of the rent-free service ' 

lands of the headmen of the locality. It is. therefore, clear 
that most of the villages of our period had a portion of their 
cultivable lands assigned to their headmen’s families. The 
above record shows that the rent-free service lands of the 
village headmen were regarded as alienable in the Southern 

I., XI. pp. 224 ffi 

22 . II. 1. 23. Vll. 118. 24. Ante p. 179. 

25. Altekar, Village'.Comrmnities, pp. 7-8. 

26. J. B. B, R. A. S.. X. p. 260. 1 



.Maratha.' Country daring -our. period, but it,, is not improbable 
sthat.tlie.aiienee may have been ■ req.uire.d tO: perform the duties 
.'.of the office. It is further not clear . whether this . .right of , 
alienating the rent,* free lands was universally enjoyed by the 
,'headmen of the Deccan' or whether it was ■ a special custom 
in the kingdom of the Rattas of Saundatti. It is quite possible : 
.that' the., governments of our period may have put restrictions 
.upon '.the alienation of ■ service, lands „ as recommended by:,' 
.Kaut'aiya, '^^.^^ but it is not also impossible that the ' custom '.' Saundatti .to permit alienation may have prevailed in 
other parts of the Deccan as well: for in the Maratha period, 
the rent-free lands and privileges of the headman .were , 

^The headman continued to enjoy the taxes in kind, 
payable to the king by the villagers, do\/m to the recent 
The sale deeds of the headman’s office in the Maratha period 
show that they used to receive a share in most of the articles 
produced or sold in their villagus, like clothes, shoes, gor, 
betel leaves etc.^^^^ These dues of the headman are referred 
to as Maaltka arhanas ‘ perqui? Ites of hereditatyi^ officers, in 
a Kalachuri record/ A recofd from Soratur belonging to 
the time of Krshna III is very instructive in this respect. The 
Mahajanas of the place wished to assign to a local temple the 
amount of charcoal that they were paying as the royal tax. 
We find them requesting the headman and the Pergade (?) of 
the place to sanction this diversion of the revenues which they 
agreed to do. We have seen already how even the higher 
officers had not the power of alienating government revenues 
under the Radilrakuta administration. In this record, however, 
when they were requested not to disturb the arrangement 
contemplated, the headman and the Pergade (?) are seen 

27. n,.i. 

28. Sen, Administrative System of the Marathas, p. 185. 

29. Ibid, p, IBS. 30. L A., IV, p. 276. 


immedisitely washing the feet of the Mahajanas, granting their 
request and making a further -donation of 12 maitars of land. 
It is* therefore, clear that like the income from the 12 maitars 
Ae. proceeds of the, charcoal tax must have - formed ■part: 
of the income of the headman and the Periaie (?) ;■ olherwise.:- 
ihey could not have alienated them. This -record, therefore, 
shows that the rule of - 'Manu that daily taxes in kind consist- 

to be assigned to tiie viilage' neadman , waS'" lOiiowed, in me, 
Rashtrakuta as in later times. 

I From the nature of his duties' it is clear- that - - the - village 
headman must normally . have been a Kshatriya' ; ' the same; 
is the case to-day^ in the Deccan and Karnatak. - . His' influence- 
with the government was as- great' ■. as that with ' the ■.people. 
■Kings never forget to include him among the officers request- 
ed not interfere with the enjoyment of the roya! grants 'we 
-often find him escorting roya! ladies to, their- destination.'^ 

It seems that he was entitled to receive a certain :fee or tax .on' 
transfer of lands ; even royal - transactions were not exempt 
from his dues leviable on such occasions. Sukra’s obser- 
vation that the headman of a village protects it from thieves, 
officers and aggressidn^^'^^was perfectly true in our period; he 
was the head of the village -militia and . to ■ him the villagers- 
looked for leading the village defence, The headman was, 
therefore, as much indispensable to the people as to the 
■government,) ' 

' Village Accountant 

iVillage accountants were hereditary officers ail over the 
Deccan like the village headman till 1914 when most of them 
were induced to resign their rights in several districts. Their 
influence till then was as great as, if not greater than, that of 
the viilage headman. We find them figuring in the docu- 

31. Seo ante. p. 192. 32, J. B. B. R, A. S., X. p. 257. 

33. U, 343. 34. Village Communities, p. 5. 



ments of the Maratha and Muslim periods also. S'ukra refers- 
to Mm as lekhaka, whose duty was to keep accounts of income 
and expenditure, to receive and dispose of goods after mak- 
ing entries in the registers and to cany on correspondence.j'^®'’ 
Underithe Chola administration this officer existed in all 
villages in Tamil country ; we seeihim writing the orders of 
the village assembly, and measuring and recording the 
amount of paddy paid by the villagers on account of the land 
and otherltaxes.'^^ vHe had in many places a sub -accountan t 
under hinj and the pay of both is mentioned in several 
records, ^t is, therefore, strange that lekhaka or the village 
accountant should not figure in the R^htrakuta records as he 
does in some of the epigraphs of the Andhra period. The 
village administration must have found the services of the 
accountant as indispensable in the Deccan as in Tamil country. 
It is, therefore, almost certain that he must have existed in 
our period. Most of our land grants mention yuktas, ayuktas, 
myuktas or upayaMas sifter the Gramakutas and before the 
Grama-mahattaras.*'^^^ The position of these officers in the 
official hierarchy makes it clear that they belonged to the 
village administration. If so, they could have hardly been any 
others than the village accountants and their assistants, who 
being in charge of the village records of rights and other files, 
dbuld hardly be omitted from the list of officers to be request- 
ed not to interfere with the land or village grants..;i» 

^ The village accountants of our period must have been 
performing duties similar to those mentioned by S'ukra-riiti and 
the contemporary Chola documents. The headman was 
considerably engrossed in administrative, military and police 
duties: he could, therefore, have hardly found time to look to 

35. II, 348. 36, S. 1. 1.. II. Ukkal No. 10. 

37. S. I. I.. II.. Nos. 22 and 23. 

38. Nasik cave inscriptions Nos. 16 and 27. E., I, VIIL 

39. Samaagad plates. 754 A.D., I. A.. XI, p. 112; Radhanpur plates 
808 A.D., E. I., IV, p, 242; Sangli plates, 933 A.D., LA., XII, p. 251; etc- 


the clerical work connected with the village administration, 
which must have been relegated to some other officer. Obvi- 
oosb?' it is these who are referred to by the terms yuktas or 
niyuktas. Some of the big villages may have had two officers 
to look to this clerical work; one of them may have been the 
accountant and the other the sub-accountant. \ Upaniyukias 
and Niyukias figure together in some records and that can be 
explained only on this hypothesis, tike the office of the village 
headman these offices were also very probably hereditaiy in 
our age as they were till recently. ^ iNo yuktas or upaniyukias 
figure as donors in our period; we hardly get any evidence 
suggesting that these officers wielded anything like the 
influence that was wielded by the village headman. It is, 
therefore, clear that the offices of the yuktas and upaniyukias 
were more or less clerical, and did not carry the same privileges 
or prestige as that of the village headman./ ) 

Village Council 

'If the evidence about the existence, nature, and functions 
of the imperial, provincial, and district councils is meagre, 
that about the village councils is more than ample. These 
bodies existed throughout the Rashtrakuta dominions, though 
trheir nature and functions differed to some extent in different 
localities. There were roughly speaking three types of the 
village councils in our period, the Tamil type, the Kamatak 
type and the Maharashtra and Gujarat type. The last two 
did not differ very much from each other, but the distinction 
between the first type on the one hand and the last two on 
the other was considerable. 

I It was only for about 20 or 25 years in the reign of 
Krsh na in that several districts in Tamil country were annexed 
to the Rashtrakuta dominions where the Tamil type of the 
village council prevailed. I A detailed description of that type 
is not, therefore, strictlj^ relevant in a work dealing with 
the Rashtrakuta administration. The subject has been# 



"besides, discussed by a number of previous writers on tiie 
subject/^®^ Attention will, therefore, be drawn here only to 
/..salient "features of the village . councils in ■ Tamil country . in, 

: order to facilitate' comparison and contrast with these ",, in 
:/ .:Maharastra. ' and Karnatak. 

(^Village assemblies or councils in Tamil country, consisted, 
neither of the whole adult population, as was the case in 
Karnatak, nor of a few .select gentlemen, as .was' the case 'in;;,. 

. Maharashtra and , Gujrat, but of about 20 to SO individuals./ 
ele.eted.' hy a kind -of. selection by. ballot/** ■ There were’ 
'detailed rules about the ■ qualifications of "the voters and the- 
candidates; certain property and educational qualifications- 
were insisted upon in the candidates along with a blameless 
character. Persons once elected were disqualified to stand ' 
again for election for three years., .a rule apparently . framed to;" 
afford opportunities to all qualified persons to serve on the- 
village councils. The election took place annually and the 
members elected were known as the great men of the year 
(Perumakkal), They subdivided themseKes into a number of 
sub -committees, as was the case with the corporation of 
Pataliputra in the time of Chandragiipta Maurya. Each sub- 
committee was in charge of a specific department like the 
village tank, the village temple, roads, adjudication, wet lands, 
dry lands etc. The account supplied by the Uttaramaliiir 
inscriptions is confirmed by several other records. Thus 
Sivachulamangalarn inscription of the i6th year of the reign of 
Krshna 111 proves the existence of annual election of the* 
village councils; the Solapuram inscription from North 
Arcot district discloses the existence of a temple sub-committee 
in that village in 953 A.D., when it formed pari of the 
Rashtrakuta empire; the Gudimallam Bana inscriptions 

40. R. C. Majumdar, Corporate Life in ihicient India; R, K... 
Mookerji. Local Government in Ancient India, 

41. A. S. R., 1904^5, pp. 140 ff. 


A and B from Chittur district attest to the existence of a village . 
corporation in that village, discharging trust duties, regulating 
the village crops, controlling the vpage revenues, and arrang- 
ing for the works of public utility/**’ 

The constitution of the village councils in Karnatak 
differed considerably from the above type. Our records, 
which are fairly numerous, refer nowhere to any election or 
selection of the members of the village councils, although they 
describe on numerous occasions the powers and functions of 
these bodies. But the absence of election or selection in 
Karnatak was due not to the village bodies being less but 
more democratic than was the case in Tamil countiy. 
Mahajanas, as the members of the village council were called 
in Karnatak. seemed to have included in that province in the 
vast majority of cases the heads of all the families residing in 
the village. ^ The Kalas inscription of Govinda IV***’ is very 
important in this respect. The record first describes the 
attainments and scholarship of the 200 Brahmana householders 
of the agrahara or the Brahmana settlement of Kadiyar, 
observing that the village could put to shame other Brahmana 
villages on account of the learning and stainless character of 
ail its 200 householders. Later on in the record these very 
ajO Brahmana householders are described as the Mahajanas, 
It is, therefore, clear that the Mahajanas included almost all 
the heads of the families residing in the village. 

A record from Bijapur district, dated 1022 A.D., is till 
more illuminating. ‘*5’ The inscription records a grant of 50 
maitars of land for the village school given by the 500 Maha- 
janas of Perur. The land is further described as belonging 
to the 500 houses of Perur. It is. therefore, absolutely clear 
that/each Mahajana represented a family in the village and 
tliat all the families were represented, in the village council. 

43. iftW.XI, pp. 224ff._ 44. E. I.. XIII. pp. 327 ff. 

45. Belw grant, I* XVfH, pp. 273 ff. 



Inscriptions from Hadali^^^^and Behatti^^^Mn Dharwar district 
::s}iow that' the same continued to be the casein the ilth and' 
the, 12th centuries as well. . The first of these records, ' dated 
1083 A-D., refers to an agrahara village, each of the 420 
Mahajanas of which is described as virtuous and learned. At its 
conclusion the record calls upon the 420 Mahajanas of the 
agrahara colony to protect the grant. Since an agrahara 
village consisted mostly of Brahmanas, it is quite clear that the 
Mahajanas in this case also included most of the householders 
of the village. The inscription hailing from Behatti, above 
referred to, is dated 1183 A.D., and contains a grant to the 
1000 Brahmanas of the agrahara settlement of Kutkanuru; the 
Canarese postscript records a further donation to the same 
body and adds: — ‘The one thousand and two shall unfailingly 
preserve this grant.* A Yadava inscription from the same 
locality, about half a century later in date, again refers to a 
grant to 1002 Brahmanas of the same place. It is, therefore, 
clear that the agrahara village of Kukkanuru consisted of 
about a 1000 householders all of whom were included in the 
body of the Mahajanas of the locality. 

An inscription from Nadwadinge in Bijapur district, dated 
902 seems to show that the Mahajanas often included 

not only all the householders or the heads of the families of 
the village but also all adults* The inscription is unfortu- 
nately fragmentary, but it distinctly refers to a donation by the 
Mahajanas of the place, headed by their own three,{?) together 
with the children and old men. It would appear from this 
record that the term Mahajanas included at least in some 
localities all the adult population of the village; persons too 
weak or young to be members of that body were alone 
excluded from it. 

46. I. A.. Xm. pp. 33-34. 
48. E. L, IV. p. 274. 

47. I. A.. IV. p. 274. 
49. I A.. XII. p. 221. 


The instances above quoted were all of Brahmana 
settlements, and so the Mahajanas in these cases included 
Brahmanas alone. But in ordinary villages consisting of a 
population of different castes, non-Brahmana householders also 
must have been included among them, though Brahmanas 
often may have occupied a prominent position in that body. 
The Radhanpur plates of Govinda HI, which give a village in 
Nagar district in charity, refer to an assembly of 40 Mahajanas 
rthat had met on the occasion, among whom the 10 Brahmanas 
named in the record were most prominent A record from 
Hatti-Mattur in Dharwar district, dated 917 refers to 

an assembly of 50 cultivators headed by the oilman Jayasing* 
ayyasetti, Jummisetti, Malisetti, Namisetti and Kamvisetti. 
Here the assembly, as well as its leaders, are all non- Brah- 
manas; for it is not very likely that the cultivators referred to 
■may have included Brahmanas, 

It is thus clear from the above instances that the village 
Mahajanas, whom we meet in the records of our period, 
included practically all the heads of the village families, and 
perhaps all the adult population as well. A record from Sirur 
in Dharwar district, dated 866 refers to 230 Mahajanas 

of the place, who figure as the recipients of a donation; an 
inscription from Nargund in the same district, dated 929 
records a grant when 220 Mahajanas of the locality 
had assembled together ; another epigraph from the same 
•district, dated 916 mentions 220 Mahajanas of the 

village of Pattiya-Maltavur ; two more records from Bijapur 
district, one from Kattegeri, dated 1096 and the other 

from Managoli, dated 1161 mention an assembly of 500 

Mahajanas of these places, Mahajanas in all these places 
must be standing for the local assemblies, and since most of 
these places were small villages, it is quite clear in view of the 

50. E, I., VI. p. 242, 5L I, A.. XU. p. 125, 

52, E. J., VII, p. 203. 53. I. A,. XII. p. 224. 

54. L A., Xn. p. 225. 55. I. A,. VI. p. 138. 56. E. I.. V. p. 15 


evidence already adduced above that they must have included 
almost all the adult householders of the localities, who 
had not particularly disqualified themselves from being desig- 
nated by that high-sounding appellation. They certainly did 
not represent the executive of the village assembly, firstly 
because an executive committee of so large a number of 
members is inconceivable not only for villages and towns 
but also for large units, and secondly because the records 
sometimes mention the heads or the executive committees of 
the Mahajanas. Thus Nadwadinge record mentions the 
Mahajanas and their three heads/^?* and the Hatti-Mattur 
inscription of 917 A.D. mentions five merchants as being at 
the head of the 50 Mahajana agriculturists. The Mahajanas, 
therefore, did not form a small body of elected or selected 
members in Karnatak, as was the case with the ‘ great men " 
of the village in Tamil country. Thev oracticaliv innlnrlp/t 

2m ■ 


liavcbeloagecJt if we assume that they were following oil- press- 
ing as a subsidiary profession. The Nargund inscription 
records an elaborate arrangement for compulsory contributions 
for a local' tank on the occasions like marriage, thread-cere-': 
mony {JJpanayana) etc,, but it refers to no taxation committee 
of the Mahajanas, whose members were entrusted with the 
' coilection of' these dues. ■ The tank and its f imds were ■ to^ be': 
'■managed, not' by a tank sub-committee, as '.was the. case .in ; 
Tamil 'country at this time, but by the inhabitants , of a certain , 
street o,f the village which was apparently most . contiguous to 
the tank The Soratur inscription of 951 records the 

assignment of certain taxes for a local temple, but it does not 
i oention either a taxation or a temple^ committee. All the 
50 Mahajanas undertake to protect the grant. The Salotgi 
inscription of Krshna gives a detailed description of a 

local college, its boardings and professors, and the contribu- 
tions the inhabitants had agreed to pay for the maintenance 
of the institution, but it nowhere refers to any executive 
committee of the Mahajanas to look after the college manage- 
ment or the fund collection. An inscription from Devi Hosur 
in Dharwar district, dated 962 A.D./^^^ mentions the agreement 
oi' the Mahajanas of Posavur to raise a sum of 55 §adyamka$ 
from the interest of which a certain number of Brahmanas 
were to be fed daily, but it nowhere refers to any committee 
to look after the endowment, its interest and utilisation. 
Two Alur inscriptions from Dharwar district, one dated 
1091 and the other 1124 A.D. prove not only an absence of 
sub-comrnittees or village council executives, but attest to the 
practice, prevailing in the locality, of entrusting village works 
of public utility, not to any sub-committee of the Mahajanas, 
but to the trusteeship of single individuals of known ability 
and character. Both these records mention certain gifts of 
58. I, A., X!I, p. 224, 59. I. A.. XII, p. 257. 



money and land by 200 Mahajanas of the place and their 
wnveyance to Sarvajna Mahadevayyanayaka and Sarvajna 
Permadiyarasa for village public works {imrnakarsa). 
Mantrawadi inscription of Amoghavarsha I, dated 865 A.D., 
supports the same conclusion. In this record we find the 
-40 M^janas of Elapunase (modern Mantrawadi), the Gorava 
I oni and the managers of a hamlet making a grant to a local 
b lyaltemple. conveying 83 mattars of land to the honourable 
Lrokarnapandita saying. ‘He indeed is able to protect the 
property and to increase it’ The record is not complete but 
the wods just quoted show that the Pandit was a trustee 
seiected by the donors. 

It is. therefore, clear that W records do not prove the 
existence m Karnatak of any village council sub -committees 
or even an executive of the Mahajanas. and still we find them 
discharging the duties of trustees, bankers and managers of 
temples, tanks and schools. We can explain this anomalous 
state of affairs only on the assumption that the Mahajanas 
used to make someinformal arrangement about the discharge 
of these duUes; influential members of the village community 
were entrusted with some of these duties according to mutual 
convenience and trust; very probably the headman may 
have transacted much of such business with informal consul- 
tations with the leading lights of the village, and made the 
necessary- arrangements for the collections of the public 
subscriptions and government taxes, for the deposit of the 
trust moneys at interest and for the management of the public 
schools and charity houses. This may have obviated the 
necessity of annual elections of the executive council and its 
sub-committees, as we find to have been the case in Tamil 
country in contemporary times. On occasions of importance 
all the Mahajanas probably met and expressed their views 
in order to guide the village headman and other influential 
members of the locality, who were normally discharging the 
61 E. U VII, p. 201 


various functions entrusted to them* Such meetings seem 
to have been fairly common, since responsibility is thrown by 
our records not on the headman or solitary individuals but on 
the whole body of the village Mahajanas. 

The gentlemen who constituted the village assemblies in 
Maharashtra and southern Gujarat werelknown as 
This term is nothing but a paraphrase of the words Pern * 
makkal and Mahajana that were current in Tamil and 
Karnatak countries respectively. (These Mahattaras or their 
executive {adhikarinah) are referred to in most of the records 
from Maharashtra and southern Gujarat ranging from the 8th 
to the 12th century A.D. The term Mahattara indicated, like 
the term Mahajana, the householders or the heads of families 
residing in the village; this interpretation, which is suggested 
by etymology, is further confirmed by the Sanjan plates of 
Salukika Budhavarsha ( c. 670 A.D. ) which mention kula^ 
mahattaradhikarinah, ‘ officers of the elders of the families 
immediately after the Gramakuta or the village headman/®'^^ 
This expression shows that the Mahattaras were the senior 
members of their respective families, and; members elected 
by or selected from among them formed the village council- 
Most of the Rashtrakuta grants from Maharashtra and 
Gujarat mention adhikarikamahattaras or mahattara dhikarinah 
after the gramakuta. Both expressions mean the same 
thing; the first is a karmadharaya compound (mahattarah 
cha ami adhikarinah) meaning officers who are village elders, 
and the second a tatpurusha one {mahattaranam adhikarinah} 
meaning executive of the village elders. The Gujarat and 
Maharashtra records do not give any specific examples of the 
number of the mahattaras of any localities as the Karnatak 
epigraphs do; but the meaning of the term, especially in the 
light of the expression kulamahattara dhikarinah of the San- 
jan plates of Budhavarsha, would tend to show that Grama- 
mahattaras included the elders of all the respectable families 
^64. E. I.,XIV..p. 150. ’ ■ 



of the village. The Mahattams of Maharashtra and Gujarat, 
therefore, uiust have been as numerous as the Mahajanas of 
■ Karnatak, 

t As observed already the Mahattaras had a regular exo 
ciitive of their own in Maharashtra and Gujarat, the members 
of which were called Mahattaradhikarinah. The communal 
responsibilities in these provinces were .theoretically shared by 
the council of the Gramamahattaras and not by the Grama - 
mahattaras themselves; for our records do not mention Gram- 
mahttaras in such connection but usually their council — 
Gramamahattaradhikarinah. In this respect we see a contrast 
between the adjoining provinces. In Karnaiak the general 
assembly as -a whole is saddled with the responsibility and ' 
'never its executive body, in Maharashtra and Gujarat the', 
.case is- just, the .reverse, it is not improbable thM the general 
body of the village elders was accustomed to meet much less 
frequently in Maharashtra and Gujarat than was\ the case in 
Karnatak and had allowed its functions to be usurped by the 
executive council. 

Our records give absolutely no information as to hovv the 
executive committee of the Mahattaras was formed, what 
was its strength, whether it was elected by the Mahattaras, 
if so, how and at what intervals, or whether it was nominated 
by the central government or its deputies, or whether it con* 
sisted of natural leaders among the villagers, selected by a 
hind of informal approval. Since neither election by the 
general body of the Mahattaras nor nomination by govern- 
ment or its officers is ever referred to, the last mentioned alter- 
native seems to be the most probable one. Mahattara-vasa-^ 
pakas are mentioned in two grants of the Gujarat branch/®**^^ 
This term has not yet been interpreted but it may possibly 
denote those families, which claimed descent from the tradi- 
tional founders of the village, and may, therefore, have 

65. Dantivarman^ grant, E. L, Vi, p. 292, Sarat plates of Karkka> 
being published in E. I., XXL 



'■occupied an important position in the village community, 
'entitling them perhaps to a seat on the village council 

In Maharashtra and Gujarat, as in Karnatah, we do not 
.come across any departmental sub-committees of , the ■ village : .;' 
..council to discharge' ..its various functions, as was the..... ease.iri; 

.. Tamil country. It is probable that the village executive 
have obviously divided itself in practice into small sub-coin - 
" Oiittees, but these are nowhere referred to in our recordsf ' ■ 

' ..I The pow’’ers and functions of the village assembly" and .. 
their executives were substantially the same in Gujarat, Maha- 
rashtra and Karnatak, but they differed considerably from 
“*■111036 of the corresponding bodies in Tamil country. In the 
latter province the village executive was responsible to the 
central government for its revenues; but how and when these 
were to be collected, whether and to what extent remission 
in taxation was to be given were matters in which the village* 
■had full powers. Nay, the government had even delegated; ■ 
to the village assemblies its power of selling the land of the 
defaulters of land-revenue. The village committees there 
w^ere also the owners of the village lands and could sell or 
assign them for village purposes. Under the Rashtrakuta 
administration all these powers were reserved to itself,^, by 
the central government and were exercised through its repre- 
sentatives, as showm in the last chapter. Our records supply 
not a single case of the Mahajanas or Maliattaradhiharins 
remitting any taxes or making any lands tax-free. The 
Kalas inscription no doubt refers to the Agrakara of Kadiyur 

assigning the tax on pedlars for a local temple, but the case is 
beside the point; for the village was an alienated one and so 
the rights of the central government had devolved upon the 
Mahajanas who w^ere the alienees.'^^ In a record from Katta- 
from Bijapur district, dated 1092 A.D.. we no doubt 
find the honourable 500 making over an impost due to them 

66. Mujumdar* Corporate Life in Ancient India ^ p. 193. 

67, - E, L, XIIL.p. 327. _ 68. 1. A., VI, p. 138. 


e honourable 500 obviousb 
of the place, for m ^ ' 

jnatea. as is the mvanabh 
Besides, if “honourable 
,as of the place having sa 

and its disposal, they ne 

■ for assigning one of the 
tank. We can understand 
curable 500 as the meinbe 
aed an impost due to the 
■here is only one case, _tl 

assigning away a tax in kin 

that they could do sc 
of the place had 

( 69 > 

that matter. 

,ted above, the powers ai 

ilar to those m 
for the pi 

representea mv 

over the village taxa 
drawn up any docur 

for the purpose of « 

only if we take the 
outside guild who a 
tank of the village, 

Mahajanas of Sorat 
temple, but the record shows 
theLadman and the Governoi 
acceded to their request in 

/Withthe excephonno 

£ 1- village councils were simi! 
of the S . , -ftp* and arranging 
They were looking after a ^^^^unity. W e : 

and other *7 ^^arity houses. tnanagii 

no secl or cKor organisation « 

property ^ maintenance and repairs of 

and arranging for receiving deposits on 1 

1 <73> Tkev were also receiving f 

tank- ^ , be utilised for specific puf 

private individuals to D Qn such occasions 


220*, AdarguncKi u 

und and Didgur inscriptions. 


ail of the Mahajanas, even when their number was 200 or 300, 
were washed by the donors, even if the latter were provincial 
or district governors, and the ownership of the property was 
formerly conveyed in trust to them. This procedure would 
incidentally show the high reverence in which they were held. 
The Mahajanas used to guarantee perpetual proper untilisa- 
tion of the funds entrusted to them for the purposes con- 
templated. It is obvious that the Mahajanas must have had 
their own banks, for they used to undertake the payment of 
the agreed interest annually on the deposits received by 
them. It is, however, equally probable that in many cases 
they not have had public village banks under their con- 
trol and management, but may have invested the sums 
through some village money-lenders of known credit and 
character. They used to raise subscriptions for public works 
and collect voluntary contributions ;|steps were also taken by 
them to commemorate the memory of distinguished donors 
by engraving their donations on stone tablets. The village 
[ councils were enabled to undertake and finance these 
! public works by the policy of the central government of 
j reserving a part of the revenues collected in the village for 
1 its local purposes. The village revenues were divided into 
I two parts, Mela-varam or government share and Chudi-varam 
■ or the inhabitants’ share. The latter was at the entire 
i disposal of the village council, and it could not be alienated 
; even by the king except with the consent of the people, 
I have already shown elsewhere thatfthe people’s share of the 
revenues of a village was usually in the vicinity of 15 % of the 
total revenues collected in the locality even under the British 
administration as late as 1830 This regular income 

/ was supplemented by public subscriptions, and voluntary 
^ imposts and charity induced by the Ishtapurta theory which 
i extolled to the skies the benefactors of the community, who 
I 75. E. I.. Xni. p. 35. 

76. Altekar, Village Communities, pp. 68, 71. ^ 

i’ Tijfsr 12 


obliged it by building public wells and tanks and maintaining 
schools and hospitals, j 

J The village, councils of our period had considerable, juris-v 
diction over the village disputes/^'^'^ Suiaiman, a contempo-:: 
rary writer, informs us that there existed popular courts, 
in India in addition to king’s courts. Their criminal juris:-". 
diction was no doubt confined to petty cases of assaults, etc., 
but their civil jurisdiction was unlimited. They could try and 
decide cases worth any big amount. King’s courts did not 
entertain any cases at first instance ; it was only when the 
parties felt dissatisfied with the decisions of the village councils 
that they could appeal to the king or his courts.) Somadeva, 
a contemporary writer of the Deccan, expressly declares that 
such was the case in his times. If the parties to a dispute 
happened to be members of a guild the case was rei^rred to 
the village council, only if the guild executive could not 
settle the matter amicably. The judgments of the early 
Mahomedan and Maratha period are found to be signed by 
several village elders including not only Patels and Kulkarnis 
hut also goldsmiths, carpenters, oilmen and even untoucha- 
bles like Mahars and Mangs. It is, therefore, clear that 
the power to decide the village cases was theoretically invest- 
ed in the whole body of the village elders or the Mahajanas. 
In practice, however, the actual examination of the parties, 
their witnesses etc., seems to have been delegated to a small 
sub-committee, the members of which used to receive a 
certain honorarium from the fees that were charged to the 
disputants. /The trials were usually held in the village temple, 

77. For detailed evidence in substantiation of the statements occur- 
ring in this para the reader is referred to chapter III of my History of 
the Village Communities in W estern India. The statement made in 
that chapter about the non-existence of guilds during our period is 

78. Sulaiman Saudagar, p. 81. 

79. ^ w I xxyii. 22 . 


the Loiy precincts of which could effectively stifle during our 
period any promptings to dishonesty in the mind of parties 
and witnesses. The judicial powers of the Panchayats were 
not due to prevailing anarchy ; it was the considered policy of 
the state not to entertain any suits except by way of appeal 
from the decisions of the village Panchayats. The decrees,' 
of the village court were enforced by the central govern- 
ment, Just as the' decrees of the present day British courts are' 
carried out by the British executive. In the 15th centmy in 
Maharashtra, parties dissatisfied with the decisions of the, 
village court had, the right of appeal to Taluka Panchayats; 
it is not improbable that the councils of Vishaya and Rashtra- 
mahattaras as well may have enjoyed in our period appellate 
jurisdiction over the decisions of the village councils. The 
judicial powers of Bhogapatis, Vishayapatis, and Rashtrapatis 
are nowhere referred to in our records ; very probably they 
enjoyed no such powers. In the king’s court too the judge 
was assisted by Sabhyas or jurors whose duty, according to 
Somadeva, a contemporary writer of our period, was to find 
out facts and decide the cases impartially/ The procedure 
at the court of the capital considerably resembled the modern 
trial by jury. 

|The assemblies used to meet usually in the Mandap of 
the local temple or under the shade of an expansive tree; 
many of the villages like Kadiyur, however, had halls of their 
own.^^^^ An inscription from Shikarpur^®^^ records a number 
of donations for the construction of the village halls# The 
Mantravadi inscription of 865 A. D. refers to a meeting of the 
assembly, and says that Nagadeva was its president. 5ince, 
there were no formal elections of the executive in our assem- 
blies, it is not unlikely that different presidents may have 
been elected on different occasions. ) 

80. mtivdkyarnrja, XXVll 3. 81. E, I., XIH, p. 327, 

82. Skikarpur, No. 45, E. C,, VI. 


Revemie and Expenditure 

An enquiry will be made in this chapter into the various 
sources of revenue of the Rashtrakuta empire and the way in 
which they were utilised. Our principal sources of informa- 
tion in this connection are the statements made in the copper- 
plate grants about the immunities of the village alienated in 
favour of Brahmanas and temples. This information can be 
compared with the rules of the contemporary Smriti writers 
and statements in the records of other contemporary dynasties. 
Accounts of the Muslim traders are also, to some extent, 
' useful., V 

The principal sources of revenue may be classed under 
five heads. These were: — 

(1) Regular taxes, 

(2) Occasional taxes or exactions, 

(3) Fines, 

(4) Income from government properties, and 

(5) Tributes from feudatories., 

Of the above items, the last one will be considered in 
detail in the next chapter where the position of the feuda- 
tories will be considered; the remaining will be discussed 
■here. ■■ 

(1) Regular Taxes 

. An analysis of the epigraphical evidence shows that the 
following taxes were regularly levied in all the villages of the 
empire; — 

(i) Udrania. 

(ii) Uparikara. It will be shown that Bhaga-bhoga- 
karat mentioned in some of our records, is the same as the 
items Nos. i and ii mentioned here* 



(iii) Bhutotpatapratyaya or sulka or siddhaya* 

(iv) VishtL 

' M . , 

(2) Occasional exactions 

These were principally of three hinds: — 

(i) Chatahhatapraves adancJa* 

(ii) Rajasevakanam vasatidaniaprayanadandan. 

■ (iii) Emergency demands of the State. 

(3) Fines 

This item requires no explanation. 

(4) Income from Government properties 

Under this head were included : — 

(i) Sheri or crown land, waste lands and trees. 

(ii) Mines and salt. 

(iii) Treasure trove and property of persons dying with* 
out any heirs. 

(5) Tributes from the feudatories 

This item will be discussed in the next chapter where 
the position of the feudatories will be considered in detail 

(1) Regular Taxes 
{ i and ii ) U drafiga and U parikara 

These taxes are mentioned very frequently not only in 
the grants of the Rashtrahutas but also of the earlier dynas- 
ties like those of 'the Parivrajahas, Maitrahas and the later 
Guptas of Magadha; It must be, however, confessed that 
modern scholarship has not yet succeeded in ascertaining 
satisfactorily their exact meaning; nor do Sanskrit dictionaries 
help us much. This latter fact is rather surprising and per- 
plexing; for these expressions are very common in the nume- 
rous records of our period and yet are unknown to most of 
the Kosha writers. It is only in S' as vat a Kosha that we come 
across a sense that can be reasonably considered in connec- 


tion with the present enquiry; the work gives Uddhan 
Udgraha as a synonym of the 
Koslia where the word is mentioned at all is 
s esha-kosha, according 
celestial city of Harischand; 
meaning, which has bee; 


The' .only;,; other, 

^ Trihanda 

to which Udrania is the name of the 
Jra moving in the air/®’ This 

copied from this Kosha by some of 

the modern banskrit and English dictionaries, can be hardly 
considered in connection with the present enquiry. Since the 
word IS very common in the epigraphical literature and almost 
unknown to the Koshas, can it be possible that the word is 
a banskntised form of some non-Indo-European word? The 
term t/c/ran^o cannot he also connected with the word dran^a 
which means a frontier town in the Rajatarangim; it is not 
possible to argue that the expression sodrangah might mean 
along with the octroi duties . for then the form would have 
been sadrangah and not sodrangah. As it is. though we i^et 
several vanations of the fiscal terms occurring in epigraphical 
records, the forni of the term sodrangah is constant; not even 
once do we get sadrangah as an alternative form. 

What etymology or dictionaries cannot explain can be 
attempted to be elucidated by the method of analysis. An 
analysis of the Rashtrakuta records shows that the terms. 
sodrangah and soparikarah do never figure along with the 
expression sabhagahhoiakarah in rme- 

2. II., 79. 

I What then could have been these universally levied- 
I'taxes ? The Smriti literature invariably uses the term ■ 
ior its synonym denoting the land ■ In (the- 

j Sanskrit literature the -king is very often described as subsist,* - 
(ing on dashthansa u e. the 6tli ^ part of the produce of the:; 
:iland. It is, therefore, almost certain that the bhagak<^r& of the 
inscriptions must be standing for the land tax, 

: . ^iBhoiakara represents the petty taxes in kind that were; 
to be paid to the king every day. From the very nature ' oh 
the case, these taxes in the form of betel leaves, fruits, 
vegetables etc., could have been exacted by the king only 
when he was on tour; they were, therefore, usually assigned 
in practice to local officers as part of their incomes, /as shown 
already in the last chapter. /Every day these taxes in kind 
were seen being enjoyed by the local officers and, therefore., 
the term bhogakara used for them was quite appropriate;) In 
this connection attention may be drawn to Manu VII!, 307, 
where the expression pratihhagam has got a v. 1. of priiibho* 
gam which has been explained by the commentator Sarvajha 
Narayana as ‘ Phala-kusuma-sahhatrnadyupa^anam prati* 
dinagrahyam ’ ‘daily presents in the form of fruits, flowers, 
vegetables, grass etc.* /The interpretation proposed for 
bhagakara is, therefore, supported by the usage that was 
known to some of our commentators. Sometimes, however. 
Government used to impose additional taxes for the salaries 
of some of its officers. i We have already seen how the 
village of Tuppad Kurahatti had to pay an additional tax in 
money for the remuneration of the district officers in the 
reign of Krshna Contemporary Ganga-Pallava and 

Chola records also mention fees for the district and village 
officers that had to be paid by the villagers. This 
additional tax on land may also have been included in the 
term bhogakara* 

5. CL Gautama, X. 24-7; Manu. VIII, 130; Kaujalya. V. 2; etc. 

6. Ante, p. 179. 7, S* I. U II, pp* 530-1; HI. p.39L 


We have already seen that the terms udraMa 
mnhar„ v.jy „ id«,acally the same as Ae « 

pressions bhagakara and hho^akara Th,. n J- 

which the villagers of Tuppad ^Xttilad Tpay t Te’ 
rem^eration of thecountiy gaoanda, was a tax on lid which 
^d to be pajd over and above {=ap«n ) the normaUanltex 
Upankara, therefore, was quite an appropriate term to denr^t ' 
rt.smceitwasan additional impost. Bhoiakara. iwX 
tecomes identical with uparikara. either term denoting Xes' 
noi^al or additional m Idnd or cash ™ imposeXS 
the part payment of the salaries of the mofussil state officers 
Fleet was inclined to hold that uparikara may have been the 

X:: ° W no proprietoiy rightX tt 

to show tl, ffU ^®ieis, however, no independent evidence 
to show that the government used to impose any extra or 
special taxation on such tenants. There was besides no 
reason why state records should distinguish the tax paid by 
the permanent tenets from that obtained fmm temporary 
cultivators. The theoiy, therefore, that adranga was a fax on 

brZfSXd'^ yet remains to 

oe proved and is not likely to be correct. 

Since udranga ^d uparikara have been shown to be 

md bhogakara and since 

Woga^nra IS further shown to be identical with apanW it 

follows that udranga has to be equated with bhagakara, which 
has been shown to stand for the normal land tax of the 
government. It has to be confessed that no etymological 
denvationofthetermcanbe suggested, which wiU exSain 
this interpretation: but the word itself is practically unknown 
dictionaries in its fiscal sense, and may have been derived 

- hisnotoasy to determine lie exact inddenee of the 

on W in our perW. The Smrid and N,.i writer, lay 

^ V p, 98, 



down that the state demand should vary between 8% to 
The Arthasastra would advocate a levy of 25% Sukra, 
a medieval writer, permits land taxation between 25% to 50% 
in the case of irrigated lands, but adds that the taxation on 
ordinary dry lands should be such that the net produce should 
be twice the cost of production, the latter term including the 
government dues as Chandesvara, another medieval 

writer, states that the expression * shadbhaga ’ with reference 
to land tax is merely figurative, and means that the king should 
take such amount as is necessaiy for the needs of government 
and may not be felt as oppressive by the subjects. Since 
the theory writers differ so greatly and allow so wide an option 
to the state we may take it that the land tax in the Rashtra* 
huta dominions must have varied with the quality of the land 
and the needs of the state.) 

Let us now try to determine the actual amount of the 
land tax that was levied hy the governments of our period. 
The paucity of records throwing any light on the subject, the 
vagueness of their statements when available, and the diffi- 
culty of interpreting the technical terms used in them are the 
main reasons that have so far deterred an enquiry in this 
direction; but it is high lime that an effort at least should be 
made. Let us consider a few concrete cases that are available 
in this connection. 

(I) Bevinahalli inscription from Chitaldurg di strict 
of Mysore State, belonging to the time of Khottiga, informs us 
that the revenue of two villages Madlur and Malagavadi was 
50 gadyanas, petty taxes in kind being excluded. A gadyana 
was equal to two kalanjus and the latter was a gold coin weigh- 
ing about a quarter of a tola^^^^ or about 45 to 50 grains. The 
revenue of these two villages was thus about 25 tolas of gold 

9. E. g.. Manu, VIII, 130. 10. Book V, Chap. 2. 

IL IV, ii, no iL 12. Chap. XII, p. 62. (JayaswaFs edition). 

13. E, C., XI, Chitaldurg No. 74. 

14. Elliot, Corns of South India, p, 47, 


or 375 tolas of silver, since the ratio between the prices of the. 
two metals in' our period was about. I-:i5. Making allowance 
for the alloy,, 25 tolas may be roughly equated to Rs». 500. 

(2) The second of the three Kongu inscriptions,, edited;, 
by Kitteh gives us some idea of the taxation under the 
Gangas, who were for some time the feudatories and for some 
time -the neighbours of the Rashtrakutas. The record informs; 
us that Beli-ur, which consisted of 12 hamlets, used to pay 
80 golden coins and 800 measures of paddy. Since the inscrip- 
tion hails from Coorg, the gold coins were probably 
Kalanjus and the measure of paddy a halam. The latter 
measure differed in different localities from about 36 to 72 
mauDds/^*^^ The Government tax on Beli-ur and its 12 ham- 
lets amounted to 20 tolas of gold or 300 tolas of silver and 
about 4000 maunds of paddy z. e. 1600 maunds of rice. 
It will be shown in chapter XVI that ten kalams of paddy 
measuring about 400 seers used to cost about a kalanju 
or a quarter of atol a of gold. If the halam of this place was of 
the same measure, the total government demand would have 
amounted to 40 tolas of gold or 600 tolas of silver. In modern 
figures this may amount to about Rs. 800. 

(3) In the Cambay plates of Govinda IV, dated 930, 
we have got the following passage: — 

‘ Brahmanebhyashshatsatani agraharanam suvarnalaksha- 

traya-sametani. devakulebhyo gramanamashtasatani suva- 

rnalakshachatushtayam drammalakshadvatrinsatam cha 

15. Sukraniti gives the ratio of the prices of the two metals as 1: 16 
(iV. ii, 98). Tavernier, writing in 1660, says that one golden rupee was 
equal to 14 silver ones during his times [p. 13], We may, therefore, well 
assume that the ratio of the relative prices of the two precious metals 
was somewhere in the vicinity of 1:15 during our period, though no 
epigraphical record from the Deccan of our period is at present available 
to support that statement. 16. 1. A., VI, p. 103. 

17. See chapter XVI, 18. E. L, Vli, p. 36. 



In connection with the temples, 32 lakhs of 

paid in addition to the assignment of 800 villages, ^nd 

fore, the text uses the particle cfta. ® 

the donations to the Brahmanas this p^iele does no 

and. therefore, the expression saiJarna/afes/iafrayasameiani m _ 

be taken as referring, not to an addUional gif^f that araoum. 
but as an adjective of shatsatani. bdicating 
ment revenue from the 600 villages granted was three lakhs of 
^avarnas. It. therefore, follows that the expression 

ashtas'atani suvarnalakshachatushtayam is imended to intoe 
Sat the revenue of the 800 villages granted to the temples 
was 4 lakhs of stti>arnas; savarmlakshachatushtayam is 
mistake for suvarnalakshachatushtayasametam bo^ 

cases the average revenue of one village “f 

savarnas. Snvarna is not to be taken here as the §0^ com of 

that name, referred to by Manu as weighing BOrakhkas or 

about 146 grains, and introduced into currency by Skandagupta 

tZ 11. half of hi, .eign. la Soath ln& .W 

coin of our period was kalanju. weighing about a 

rSla. It is this SW or golden coin that is obviously 

referred to in the Cambay pla^^^s. The revenue of an average 

viLge in the time of Govi^ .^V waa thus 500 

halanjus-, it thus amounted wae ' 

silver- we may equate it to about Ks. 2,500. 

(4) In the Bana principality, which was someUmes on 
the border of the Rashtrakuta empire and sometimes include 
in it the revenue of the village Viprapltha, vvhich is the same 
as modern Guddimalam in Kalahasti Zemindari m Arcot and 
Nelore districts, was 10 kalanjtts of gold and 500 kadis o' 

''^‘^tnle above 4 cases we have no doubt the actual amount 
of the revenues collected in the villages concerned, but they 
do not enable us to determine the incidence of taxation, since 

the acreage under cultivation is not given in a single case. 



. Nor does the Tuppad Kurahatti inscription of KrshnaTII^'^^^: 

■ help us in this connection. This record states : Tondayya, the 
country gamunda of Belvola 300, and six gamundas granted in 
concert to the temple constructed by Aychayya 50 matiars 
( of land ) by king s measure and one mattar for a garden* 
;On this;for the share- of the king the fixed revenue shall be 
2 gadyanas and for the revenue of the country gamundas the 
fixed revenue of two gold gadyanas. The total taxation for 
this field of 50 mattars and the garden of 1 mattar would be 
only 4 golden gadyanas u e, 2 tolas of gold or 30 tolas of 
silver. Unfortunately the precise dimensions of a mattar are 
not known, and there is ample evidence to show that the 
measure varied with localities. The grants made by tbe 
Silahara prince Gonakarasa on one and the same occasion but 
in three different localities were by mattar of three different 
dimensions, prevailing in the places concerned/ The Mangoli 
inscription of Bijjala. dated 1161 A.D./®^^ assigns 6^1 mattars 
to the four Brahmanas whose households constituted the 
Brahmana house-hold of the deity. It would thus seem that a 
Brahmana family required twc mattars of dry land for its 
subsistance. A mattar therefore, may have been equal to 
about 4 or 5 acres of land at K ^pgoli, and its dimensions in 
other localities could not ha^ been very much different. 
The tax of eight kalanjas of gold that was levied from 
about 50 mattars of dry land in the time of Krshna III at the 
village of Tuppad Kurahatti would thus be from a piece of 
about 200 acres. The taxation per 100 acres is thus found to 
be only one tola of gold. This may have been, however due 
to the fact that the permanent assessment for that piece of 
land was not the normal government demand, but only a kind 
of quit-rent, since the land was given to a temple as a 
devadaya grant. There is evidence to show that the temple 

20. E. I., XIV, p, 366, 

21, Salotgi Pillar inscription, C. E. I,, IV, p, 66. 

lower taxation for 'TEMPLE LANDS 221 

lands were taxed on a lower scale. It will be soon shown 
that the average demand of government under the Cholas 
was !00 kalams of paddy per veli : but an mscriplioii from 
Konerirajapuram informs us that 12 veils of temple land in 
the locality were charged a tax of only 600 Mams of Pa<Wy. 
before it was altogether exempted from taxation. The 
average taxation on temple land in this case is thus found 
to be only half of that on ordinary lands. Even then the 
taxation amount per acre at Tuppad Kurahatti would be too 
low. for it would be only 2 tolas of gold per 100 acres., 
it is possible that the quit-rent in this case was only nominal, 
or that the land was very poor in quality. 

A record from Honawad in Dharwar district, dated 1054 
refers to an allotment of ordinary dry land to a temple 
by king Somes' vara ‘ at the payment of half a pana as the 
payment for a matiau ’ The rate referred to here rnust be 
obviously of taxation and not of the price of the in 

question. The record, however, does not mention whether 
the pane mentioned was intended to be a gold, or silver, or 
copper coin. If we assume it tc oe a gold pana, weighing 
80 raktikas or about a 3/4 tola, the rate of government taxa- 
tion per mattar, which seems to have been equal to about 4 
or 5 acres as shown above, was about 3/8 tola of gold or about 
6 tolas of silver. But. it is possible that the pana may have 
been intended to be a silver or even a copper one; for 
Somes' vara may have decided to charge only a nominal quit- 
rent on the land he had given to a temple for his spiritual 
' ifc 

The effort to determine the incidence of actual taxation 
on the agricultural land in the Deccan of our period cannot 
succeed in the present state of our knowledge. But inscrip- 
tions Nos. 4 and engraved in the Rajarajes'vara temple 

at Tanjore in 1014 A.D., give us a good idea of the land taxation 

23. I. A., XIX, p. 272. 

24. S. I. !., II. 


towards the beginning of the 11 th and the end; : of . the lOth 
■century A. D. The incidence of the land ' taxation ; under 
■ Krshna lll- in the portions of Tamil country annexed by him 
to the Rashtrakuta empire, towards the middle of the 10th 
century, could not probably have been much different; hence 
the utilisation of these inscriptions cannot be regarded as 
unjustifiable for the purpose of the present work. 

These two valuable records give us the precise, area of 
35 different villages, stating in each case what area was 
actually taxed and what area was exempted from taxation. 
In the case of 5 villages the taxation was levied in cash and 
the rate works out to be 10 gold kalanjus per veli f- e, 
2 ^ tolas of gold or about 37 tolas of silver for about 6f acres. 
In the remaining 30 \allages the tax was collected entirely in 
paddy, and the average is seen to be about 100 kalams per veli. 
Dr, S. K. Krishnaswarni Aiyangar informs me that a veli in 
Tanjore district yields at present an average crop of 200 to 250 
kalams of paddy (by the Tanjore measure) and that two crops 
on the average are grown in the course of the year, except in 
the narrow belt on both the sides of the Kaveri, where as 
many as three are possible. If we assume that the rainfall 
in our period was the same as it is now and that the present 
yield is not far different from that in the 10th centuiy A.D., 
the government demand would be about 100 kalams from the 
gross produce of about 500 kalams; for in the villages given by 
Rajaraja only 2 crops are possible, and the modern kalam of 
Tanjore district is nearly the same as the kalam of our period. 
Land taxation at 20 per cent of the gross produce is fairly high, 
but it may be pointed out that about 15 per cent of this revenue 
was returned to the village for its own needs, and that 
there were no further demands as Water cess or Local Fund 
cess or Road cess. The records give the entire amount of 
the revenues paid by the villagers. All the revenues that 
were collected in our period remained in the country and no 
25. Altekar, Village Communities, p. 7^. 


part was exported to any country outside India in the form of 
pensions or recruitment charges* 

The land taxation under the Rashtrakutas was probably 
equally high; The empire was' almost continuously engaged 
in incessant' warfare, and its opponents were also ■ powerful 
rulers like the Gurjara-Pratiharas, the Palas and the Cholas. 
The' military expenditure, therefore, must have been very 
heavy and the taxation, therefore, could not have been light. 
Ai' Idrisi, apparently relying on earlier writers, expressly 
declares that the subjects of the Rashtrakuta kingdom were 
paying heavy taxes, and that, as a result, the ' king was 
immensely rich/ The land taxation, therefore, under the 
Rashtrakutas may have been as high as 20 per cent of the 
gross produce. Since the Rajarajesvara temple inscriptions 
Nos, 4 and 5 give the total demand realisable by the state 
from the farmers, we rnay reasonably presume that this 
20 per cent taxation included all the 'miscellaneous dues like 
the uparikara or hhogakara. ) It may be pointed out that 
Sher Shah and Akbar used to claim 33 % of the gross produce 
from the peasant. and that in Vijayanagar, the incidence 
of taxation seems to have been still higher/’®^ 

i The lands which were charged this high percentage are 
situated in the fertile district of Tanjore, and it may be 
presumed that less fertile lands were charged a lower 
percentage.! ‘ Contemporary Chola inscriptions refer to 3 or 4 
different classes of land, classified according to their quality, 
and it is quite probable that the taxation may have varied 
with each class. The same procedure was probably followed 
in the Deccan as well. It may be pointed out that the 
S'ukramti^^'^^ lays down that the government revenue demand 
'.should vary with the nature of the irrigation of the soil. 

26* Elliot, I, pp. 85-6, 

27. Moreland: Agrarian System of Moslem India, pp. 76 ff. 

28. Moreland: India at the Death of Akhar, p. 98^ 

29. IV. ii, 115-6. 



‘ To conclude, it seems fairly clear that the states in our 
period were not following the advice of Gautama' or Manu,' 
who lay down a land tax varying between 8 to 16 per cent, 
but of, Kaufalya and S'ukra who permit a much higher taxation. ' 
li: may further appear as probable that the percentages 
referred to in the Dharmasastra and Niti works refer to gross 
produce and not to net produce) 

< In the case of some special tenures, the taxation was either 
very low or non-existent Manya^ Aradhamanya, Namasya 
and Baiagachchu are the principal tenures to be noted in this 
connection. In the case of Many a tenures, the land was 
entirely free from all taxes; neither MeLvaram (Governmen’s 
dues ) nor Cudi-varam^^^^ ( inhabitants’ dues ) had to be 
paid. We sometimes find the holders of this tenure paying 
voluntary cesses for works of public utility; an ilth 
tcentury record refers to a voluntary cess of 1 Pana on all 
the rent-free lands at Tavargere for the maintenance of a 
Pujari in a local temple/’^^^ In the case of the Ardha-manya 
tenures, the inhabitants* dues {Cndi-varam) had to be paid. 
The lands, assigned to public servants as their salaries, either 
in full or in parts, may have belonged to one of these cate- 
gories. Namasya tenures consisted of lands alienated in 
favour of the temples and Brahmanas; they were sometimes 
fully and sometimes partially free from the taxes usually 
levied on landed property* Lands, granted to military officers 
for distinguished bravery were known as Balagachchu or 
swords-washing grants these too may have paid only a 
light tax, if at all they had to pay any, as the inhabitants* share. 

Let us now consider the question whether the land tax 
was permanently fixed or periodically revised. Tuppad, 
Kurahatti inscription of Krshna states that the fixed 

revenue for the king’s share on the land in question shall be 
two Gadyanas. The expression ‘ fixed revenue * may quite 
30. E. I., Xni, p. 35. 31. I. A.. V, p. 345. 



possibly point to a permanent settlement 
demand; it seems not unlikely that when 
Brahmanas or temples, their assessmei 
permanently fixed, if they had not been e 


34. E. C., VIH. Sorab, No. 83. 35. II. 1. 

36. CL ' Undef the original Indian [i, e, Hindu ) system, in which 
the produce was divided at the harvest, the peasant and the state 
shared the risk of the enterprise/ Moreland, India at the Death of 
Akhatf p. 100. Some of the recordfu^ttflllpned in the text above, show 

settlement of the government 
fends' were' given to 
;>les, their assessment may have been 
if they had not been altogether exempted 
from taxation. Whether other lands were similarly permanently 
settled is a question on which our records throw no light. We 
have, however, seen that the writers ' of Smritis and Nlti 
works allow a wide option, and permit the demand to vary 
between S and 50 per cent. It is, therefore, not unlikely that 
the government may have periodically revised its taxation 
demand in view of the changed circumstances or its own needs^ 
This inference is supported by an inscription from Banavasi, 
dated 941 which seems to refer to a fresh settlement 

necessiated by the drying up of an old irrigation canali 

^ Kautalya recommends a remission of land tax in case 
of the failure of crops due to famines, pestilences, and wars. 
We get no evidence about the practice in this respect from 
the epigraphical records of our period, probably because 
there was no reason to enunciate such a principle in docu- 
ments creating rent-free tenures. The case of a revision 
survey rendered necessary by the drying up of a village canal* 
referred to in the last para, would suggest that the principle of 
remission, recommended by Kautalya, may have been acted 
upon by some states. It may be further pointed out that 
when the land tax was collected in kind, as was usually the 
case in our period, and was fixed as a certain share of the actual 
crop that was produced in the field for the year in question* 
detailed rules about remissions were not necessary; if on any 
account whatsoever the yield was less, the share of the 
government also would automatically diminish/’^^^ Ukkal 



these villages in gold rather than in corn, tn some cases 
the payment of the tax may have been entirely in cash m tlie 
Deccan, as V 5 ps sometimes the case m some of the Choia 
villages; the Begumra plates of Krshpa 11^^ refer to one 
such village, which seems to have been paying its entire taxes 
in drammas. It is, however, veiy likely that in the vast 
majority of cases the land tax in tne 
.. was "paid in kind, as was the case in 1 minions. , 

‘-The collection of the land tax 
of which w'as to vary with tne actual 
must have necessitated a large s 
the farmers from removing sun 

crop with a view to c 

mand. The commentator on 
to the case of a scrui 
' "plucked a handful of corn 
share was paid, and the 
the purchase of field products like 
direct from the fields, since such a 
to the interests of the government, 
of its legitimate share of the produce, 
attention of the king to the necessity < 
tents of his treasury L 
insects; the treasury department 
of care lest the corn should be d 
sold away, and r 
.the granary may 

The land tax was collected in 

staff to prevent 
a portion of the 
evade the full share of the government do- 
w.ji the Kurundhania jataka^'^^^ refers 
ipulous Setthi, who regretted his having 
from his own field before the king a, . 

istra prescribes fines for 
grass, corn and vegetables 
procedure was prejudicial 
as it was thereby deprived 
j. S^ukra^^*^^ draws the 

/ of preventing the coo- 

being destroyed by the depradations of 
had thus to take a good deal 
5stroyed; old corn used io be 

ed, so that the contents of 

always have the best market value. 

several instalments. From 

the Begumra plates of Krsbija of the Gujrat branch dated 
888 A.D.,^^^*we learn that it was collected in three instalments, 
one in Bhadrapada or September, one in Kartiha or Novem^r 
and one in Magha or March. ;It is inlerestbg to note 

41. 1. A., xm. p. 68. 42. No. 276 43. 11. ^ n, 

44. IV. ii, 28. 45. I. A.. XIII, p. 68. 


this record partially confirms the statement of Bhattas'^amin,. 
the commentator of the Arthas'astra, that the kara or the land 
tax was paid in the months of Bhadrapada, Chaitra/ and . the ' 

■ and that' of Kulluha^^^^ that the tax was gathered' 

every 'year . in Bhadrapada ■ and Pausha. It would, therefore j; ' 
seem that government permitted^ the farmers to pay thetax iii;: 
at least three instalments. Such an arrangement was also 
inevitable since the tax was usually collected in kind and not 
in cash. 

. - (I, Hi) Bhiitopattapratyaya 

This tax has been almost universally mentioned in all 
the grants of our period, and the same is the case with the 
documents of the earlier and later centuries. This expression 
has so far defied the efforts of scholars to discover its meaning.^ 
It was proposed to explain the term as a tax for protecting 
those who have come into existence, or as a tax for spiriting 
away ghosls;^'^®^ Dr, Ghosal proposes to translate it literally 
as ‘a revenue derived from the elements and the wind/^'^^^ 
but admits that the precise meaning of the expression is 

Our records give several readings of this term. Sam- 
bhrtopaitapratyaya,^^^^ hhutapatapratyaya^^^^ and bhniavata- 
pratyaya^^^^ are the main ones. Of these bhutapata occur? 
only twice and may be a mistake for bhutavata or hhutopatta, 

46. ArtWSstra. li. 15. 47. On Manu, VII!. 307. 

48, It is no doubt true that a lOtK century record from Banavadi 
mentions an offering of boiled rice which the villagers had to pay for the 
ghosts of the village, (E. I., XI, p, 6) but as no other record mentions 
such a tax it is almost certain that it was not a universal one. It is also 
unlikely that Brahrnana donees would have ever consented to receive for 
themselves such a tax. 

49. Ghosal. Eindti Eemnue System, p, 217. 

. in Konnur inscription of Amoghavat'sha 1, E, L, VI, p. 29. 
g, in Baroda plates of Karkka, I. A., XII, p. 161. 

39. h\ g> Kavi plates, L A., V, p, 145, 


The remaining three readings signify more or less tl^ same 
ihing. The term Bhntopaftapratyaya means a tax (/iya) on 
ipraii) what has been taken in i, e, imported [upMta), and 
what has been produced (bhnta) in the village. ) The reading 
Sambkrtopattapraiyaya, if not a mistake for SabhntopM a • 
pratyaya, would indicate a tax upon articles (manufactured 
and) stored {sambhrta) and goods imported. BhntavUtapra- 
tyaya is more enigmatical, but the expression vata may refer 
to articles imported HI conj., to wish to gain, to invite, to 
■invoke) into the villages. It is, therefore,; clear that these' 
expressions refer to the general excise and octroi duties that 
were collected at the villages. This interpretation is further 
supported by the fad that the expression Bhutopattapratyaya 
does not figure along with the term sas ulka in any of our re- 
cords; Karda plates of Karkka II, dated 973 Kauthem 

plates of Vikramaditya, dated 1008 and Miraj plates of 

Jagadekamalla dated 1024 describe the respective 

grants of the villages as sasulka, but they omit the expression 
sabhutopaitapratyaya; the remaining records use the latter 
term but omit the former. It is thus clear that the s'alka tax 
is nearly the same as the bhutopattapratyaya one. 

The Sirur inscription of Amoghavarsha I and the 
'Soratur inscription of Krshna III mention a tax on clari- 
fied butter and charcoal respectively; the government’s right to 
claim, apparently from the herdsmen and cattle-breeders, the 
best bull and she-buffaio is mentioned in some of the records 
of the Vakatakas and the Yadavas of the Deccan, and of 
the Cholas of Tamil country/ a copperplate of the S'ila- 
haras of Konkan, who were administering the coastal territories 

53. 1. A„ Xn. p. 264. 54. I. A., XVI. p. 24. 

55. !. A., Vni, p. 18. 56. E. I.. VII, p. 203. 

57. I. A.. XII, p. 257. 

58. g, Chammak plates, C. I. I., Ill, p. 238; Behatti inscription of 
Xrskna, J.B. B, R. A, S. IV, p. 48; Tandontottam plates, S. L I,, lit 

530“ L 


of the Rashtrakutas, mentions a customs duty of one golden 
Gadyana from every ship arriving from a foreign country 
and of one silver dharana from every one coming from coastal 
ports Some of the inscriptions of the Cholas^^^'^ mention a 
tax on potters, shepherds, weavers, oilmen, shopkeepers^ 
stall -keepers, brewers and gardeners. Siddaya tax, i. e. a 
tax on articles manufactured, was levied at Badami in the 
12th century. All these taxes will fall under the category 
of Bhufopattapratyaya, Some of the taxes mentioned above 
do not figure in the records of the Rashtrakutas, but most of 
them, and others also of a similar nature, may have very 
probably been levied by them also. The general expression 
Sahhutopattapratyaya being used in the plates there was no 
further necessity to specify them individuals^ It may be 
pointed out that most of these taxes have been advocated in 
standard books on polity and Dharmasastra. 

( Octroi and excise duties were collected sometimes in- 
kind and sometimes in cash. The taxes on butter and 
charcoal at Sirur^^^^ and Soratur^®^^ were collected in kind, 
but the octroi duties at Badami and the customs dues at 
Kharepatan were collected in cash. The taxes collected in 
kind were very often assigned to local officers as showc 
already; this was inevitable, for the central government coul^ 
hardly have managed to have at the capital a store of shoes ^ 
flowers, betel -leaves etc. that were paid as taxes in the distant 
villages of its empire. Even if a store had been opened 
there, most of these articles would have been rendered 
useless before they reached the depot. Epigraphical records 
do not supply any information about the percentage of the 
taxes we are discussing, but a number of writers like Manu, 
(vn, 131-2) Vishnu, (ill, 33) Gautama (ll, i, 30) and Kautalya. 
(ll, 2l) lay down that the excise duty toibe levied should be- 
16% in case of articles like fish, meat, honey, medicines, fruits,, 

59. E, I.. Ill, p. 286 60, S. I; L. III., p. 391, 

61. LA.. VI, p. 141. 62. ManuVIL 131 fL; HI. 29fL. 




fence of which is proved by an inscription from Hebbal, 
dated 975/*^^^ which records a grant of 12 sites of houses 
for a temple with complete exemption from taxes. ' The exis- 
tence of a ferry tax, which is recommended by most of 
the Smriti writers, is proved by the Torhhede plates of 
'Govinda III, dated 813 which expressly mention this 

impost. It is difficult to say whether the tax on marriage^ 
which is mentioned in some Chola records/^^^ and the duty 
leviable at the festival of attaining puberty, which is referred 
to in an inscription of Vinayaditya/®*^^ dated 680 A.D., were 
universal taxes or imposed only by some whimsical rulers. 
The last mentioned inscription also mentions a tax on men 
dying without a son, and a 13th century Yadava document 
attests to the existence of a tax levied on persons, who were 
not blessed with a son. 

The tax on persons having no son or dying without a son 
seems at first sight a strange one.l Some might imagine that 
it was levied by the Hindu state in its desire to see that its 
subjects discharged the religious duty of procreating a son. 
The tax, however, was due to no such desire, nor could it 
have appeared to our age as an unjust imposition. Its imposi- 
tion as a matter of fact marked a great concession \to the 
subjects. To understand its genesis, we shall have to 'east-ja 
glance at the histoiy of the widow’s right to inherit her 
husband’s property. This right was recognised late in the 
history dF the Hindu society, as was also the case elsewhere. 
S^alBpatha Br^mana,^®®^ Maitrayamya Samhita,^^®^ Apas- 
tamba,^^^^ Baudhayana^^®^ and Vasishtha^'^^^ Dharmasutras do 
not recognise this right, which Yajnavalkya seems to have been 

64. £. I., IV. p, 355, 65. E. L, HI. p. 53. 

66. J?, g, Tandlontottam plates, S- 1. I., Ill, p. 531. 

47. I, A„ XIX, p. 145. 48. Pool. Kolhapoor, p. 333. 

49. IV, 4. 2, 13, 70. IV, 6. 4. 71. 11, 14. 2^4, 



the first writer to advocate vigorously. He was later followedi 
hy Narada, Katyayana and S'ankha. When the widow 
was not recognised as an heir, at the death of her husband liv- 
"ing separately from other collaterals, the property would have 
either escheated to the crown as heirless or devolved upon dis* 
tant collaterals, who it may have been thought, ought to pay 
to the state a portion of the wealth they had got as wind-fall. 
Some of the states seem to have continued the tax even when 
the widow was recognised as her husband’s heir as a partial 
compensation for the loss they had to sustain by the new 
theory that the property could devolve upon the widow as 
well This tax in the Deccan will have to be pronounced as 
humane, when compared to the practice of some of the earlier 
and contemporary states of confiscating all the property of a 
person dying without a son on the plea that it was heirless, 
even when the widow was surviving. We shall discuss this 
theory in detail under the item * Income from government 

Some of the taxes mentioned under the present head do 
not figure in the Rashtrakuta records, but it would be rash to 
say that they did not exist in our period, since they are men- 
tioned in the inscriptions of the earlier, contemporary and 
later dynasties. 

(2) Occasional Exactions 

( 2, 1 ) Chatahhatapraves adanda : — ‘ Exactions at the 
time of the arrival of regular and irregular military and police 
forces.’ Most of the village grants are stated to be free from 
this exaction. Chatas and Bhatas were the members of the 
police and military forces of the state, and when they were 
quartered in a village while on the march, the villagers ha4 
to meet a number of demands of their unwelcome guests# 
S'ukra lays down that soldiers should encamp outside a 

.74# in the Mitikskar^ 0131 YS^jjOUvail&ya II, 13f5-'6, 


village and should not enter it except on official business/^^'^' 
It' m^ould' thus appeai'’^' that ’good, governments,' of ■ our .period' , 
mere trying to minimise the exactions of the ■ soldiery by pre- 
venting it from entering into villages, except with the 
permission of the higher authorities. S'ukra's rule would,, 
however, minimise only individual high-handedness. That 
the military authorities would call upon the villagers to meet* 
their various needs is made clear by a record from Davangiri 
belonging to the 10th century A. This inscription states 
that when Mahasamantadhipati S'antivarman of Banavasi 
12,000 came in to due course to Palarur, he sent a summoner to 
the Mahajanas to say: — * A supply of grass is wanted for our 
troops of horses and elephants’. Thereupon, the cutters said, 

* Right well we cut/ The king was pleased and set free the- 
offering of boiled rice for the ghosts. It is obvious that the 
inhabitants must have been required to subsidise the troops 
and officers with many commodities besides grass. The tax' 
Semhhaktam mentioned in the Arthas'astra^^'^^ corresponds to 
this exaction. 

( 2 , ii) Rajasevakanam msatidanAdprayamdanAauX Vmes^ 
or dues leviable at the time of the halt dr^ departure of the 
royal officers’. These are mentioned in a Yadaya grant 
but may have been common in our period as well. TandorV 
tottam plates of Vijayanandivikramavarman^’'^' mentions a" 
fee for the man, who used to bring the royal orders to the 
village. This fee would also come under the presenb 

( Customary presents to the king and higher officers on 
occasions of festivity like the birth of a son, or marriage may 
also be mentioned here,] The utsanga tax mentioned in the 
Arthasastra^®®^ has been interpreted in this sense by the 
commentator Bhatfasvamin. Such presents were made in 


the Indian States till recently and may have been common in 
our period as well, when some persons were so enthusiasti- 
cally loyal as to offer their heads to deities in order that the 
king may have a male issue/®*^ 

( 2, iii ) Emergency demands of the State 
'The modern system of public debt was practically un- 
known in ancient times and the states were, therefore, com- 
pelled to levy extra taxation in case of emergency, in order 
to tide over the difficulty. This procedure is countenanced 
by the Mahabharata^^^\ Arthasastra^®^^ and S'ukramti^^^’ and 
may have very probably existed in our period too, since 
Somadeva, a contemporary Deccanese writer, permits the 
state to tax even the temples, Brahmanas and the wealth 
collected for sacrifice on such occasions/®^^ Emergency taxa- 
tion does not figure in the copper plates because the donees 
were not invested with the powers of levying it. 

Exemption from Taxation 

• Exemption from taxation has been claimed as a privilege 
of the learned Brahmanas in most of the Smritis. It was 
conceded in practice only to a very limited extent.'") This - 
question will be discussed in detail in chapter XiV where 
the position of Brahmanas will be considered in detail. 

, (3) Fines 

\The income from fines formed in our age, as in modern . 
period, one of the items of the state income. Fines could 
hardly have formed any appreciable fraction of the total in- 
come of the state, and a considerable portion of them must 
have been consumed by the expense of the judiciary. When 
villages were alienated, the right to receive the fines imposed , 
upon the delinquents was also usually transferred to the 
donees. The usual expression in this connection is sadand^- 

81. E. C., vn, Sorab No. 479 82. XII, 87, 26-40. 

83. V, 2. 84, IV, 2* 10. Nitimkyam^ta, XXI, 14. 



das SparaJhah; sometimes the more expressive terms like 
dan^aya or pratishiddhaya are These alternative 

forms will show that Dn Ghosal’s view that the expres- 
'sion confers upon the donee the right to be exempted, at least 
in part, from the ordinary penalties for the commission of 
some of the traditional offences is hardly sound* The 
incorrectness of this view will be at once manifest when it is 
remembered that the expression figures not only in grants 
given to Brahman as, but also in those given to temples. Most 
of the village disputes were tried in the villages themselves; 
it was customaiy to impose a fine even in civil cases on the 
unsuccessful litigants. A part of these fines was spent in 
meeting the expenses connected with the trial of the case 
before the Village Panchayal; the balance, which normally 
went into the state treasury, was diverted to the donees in the 
case of the alienated villages. 

(4) Income from Government Properties 

i ) Crown lands; Waste lands and Trees. 

( Stray plots of cultivable lands in several villages, waste 
lands, lands awaiting cultivation, forests and some specific 
trees formed government property. The Rashtrakuta admi- 
nistration did not claim proprietary right in all the land under 
cultivation within its jurisdiction. The numerous copperplate 
grants, giving villages to temples and Brahmanas, assign to 
the donees the government’s right to the taxes derived frorq 
the land and other sources; there is not a single case where 
the proprietary right in the entire land under cultivation in 
any village has been transferred to a donee. | The plate uses 
a long series of expressions specifying the rights accruing to 
the donees, but not a single expression is used in any of our 
:grants, suggesting that the donees acquired the proprietary 
rights in the cultivable lands in the village. Even the right 

86. M. g., I. A.. XIX, p. 165. 

87. Ghosal. Ein^ Mevenm, System, p. 220. 


of ejection is nowhere mentioned. It is, therefore, clear that 
in our period the state did not lay any claim to the owners 
ship of the entire soil situated in the realm. Nay, there are 
actual cases of previous purchase when land, and not tlie re- 
venue rights, were assigned to the donees, Tirukhoyalur ■ 
inscription^^^^ of the 2ist year of the reign of Krehna III 
(c. 961 A.D. ) states how a Vaidumba king purchased about 
3 veils of land from the local assembly in order to assign it to 
a temple in the village. Some of the Chola records, granting 
land and not the right to the revenue, expressly ‘refer to the 
previous purchase of the rights of the former owners and here- 
ditary proprietors. It is further worth noting that when 
the proprietary right in the soil is given to the donee, the grant 
is usually of a few acres and not of an entire village. In this 
connection the Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsha I is 
ver}? important. The record states that, at the request of his 
favourite general, Bankeya, Amoghavarsha I gave to a Jain 

(1) the village of Taleyur, 

(2) a flower garden, 500 x 150 cubits in dimension, 
situated in the same village, and 

(3) 12 Nivartanas of land, situated in each of the 30 
villages included in the sub-division in which the village of 

was situated. 

.TiVarf®-?^t‘"here was no necessity of specifying the precise 
dhata.^^y tioi the flower garden, situated in the village Tale» 
y>wn, n<|rant of the village meant the grant of the entire 
land wxrhia its boundaries. The separate mention of this 
garden and of its precise dimensions shows that the proprie- 
tary rights in the soil were transferred to the temple only 
with reference to this small plot of land. Item No, 3 above 
further shows that when it was the case of transferring 

88. S, L I., Ill, pp. 104«6, S9. Ibid, 11. Nos, 22 and 23. 



proprietary rights in soil, the state could usually give only 
small pieces scattered over different villages, and not entire 
villages themselves. , ' 

A number of other records support the same conciusioD„ 
The Atkur inscription, belonging to the middle of the 10th 
century, records a grant of land to a temple by Butuga II, 
the brother-in-law of Krshna III; the piece given is one 
jnelding an incomepf two Kandugas (3 Khaiidis) only. In an 
inscription from Mulgund, we find a king named Kanna 

(1) a piece of 12 Nivartanas situated 'in the S'lvata of 
that village, 

(2) that portion of land which was situated between 
two tamarind trees to the south of that village, and 

(3) six mattars in Pareyaloku to the west of the bound- 
ary of Sugandhvatl or modern Saundatti. 

The fact that this king should find it necessary to give 
only detached pieces of cultivable land situated in the different 
corners of the village shows that the state was not, and did 
not claim, to be the proprietor of the entire land of the realm. 
This conclusion is quite in harmony with the views on the 
subject prevailing in the Hindu period proper. Jaimini dis- 
tinctly says that the king is not the owner of the soil and his 
commentator S'abara agrees with him. The same is the 
view of Katyayana/^^^ Nilakantha^^^^ refers to the of 

Jaimini and asserts; that a king cannot grant in chari fro’R :ie 
proprietary right in the soil in the realm, because it do^'^^^St 
belong to him but to various individual proprietors. Thc^idW 
of Madhava and Mitramis^ra^^^^ is the same. It is only 
Jagannatha, who advocates the view that the king is the 

91. J. B, B. R. A. S., X, p. 199. 

' 92, Quoted in VTramiticodaya, RSjaniti, p. 271, 

93 . Vijavaharamaijukha, SvatvanirVpaigam, p, 56. 

94, Nyaiyamala:, p, 358. , 95, See No. 91 above. 



Dwner of the soil and the subjects are mere lessees, and that 
the former’s right of ownership arises out the fact of his 
being the first occupant of the country/ But Jagannatha 
is a very late writer and his testimony is contradicted by the 
.almost unanimous views of both earlier and later writers. 

It xTiay be observed that Manu^^^’ also does not support 
the state -ownership of land as is sometimes contended by 
some authors. The topic discussed in the verse in question is 
about the ownership of the treasure-trove and not of land. 
Some of the Greek waiters suggest that the theory of the 
state-owmership of the land existed in the days of Chandra- 
gupta Maurya. but hardly any value can be attached to 
their statements since they are contradicted by others. 

^Though the state was not the owner of the entire culti- 
vable land in the kingdom, it used to own some pieces in most 
of the villages situated in the realm. These may have been 
lands which had lapsed to it as heirless property, or which 
had been confiscated by it for offences committed by their 
former owners or which were actually purchased by it for 
state purposes. In some cases these state lands may also have ^ 
been waste lands brought under cultivation by government 
The examples given above show how the state owned stray 
pieces of lands in many villages and more can be quoted^ 
The Silahara ruler Govunarasa is known to have granted 206 
matt ars oi land to the Salotgi College/^®^ the Ratta prince 
SnMivarman had given 150 matters in the field of his own, 
The meaning of this word S'lVata is not definitely 
known, but it seems to stand for the crown lands. Honawad 
inscription of Somesvaf^^^^^^ shows that when actual pieces 
of land were granted away they were not always free from 
the land tax. Either its full amount or a certain quit rent 
was charged. 

96. Quoted in Sen's Hindu Jurisprudence, p, 27. ,*>% 

97, Vni, 39, 98. MapCrindle. Mega?:!* p, 

99, E. L, IV, p. 56. 100. L A. XIX, p. 2^' 


Forests were government properties in our period. A 
Pailava record falling within our period mentions a grant 
of four pieces of forest land in the vicinity of Kanchi, showing 
thereby that the state used to claim ownership in the forest 
lands situated within its jurisdiction.. Most of our records 
granting villages use the expression saorhshamSlakulctl). It 
is very likely that the expression refers to the transfer of the 
state’s right in the forest lands that may be situated within 
the boundaries of the village. It must be, however, admitted 
that another interpretation of this term is possible. Some of 
the Indian states of the Deccan still claim the right of owner- 
ship in certain trees like sandal, hifio etc. even when they 
may be growing on private soil. The same was the case 
with many of the states in the Punjab.^’®” The records of the 
Gahadwar dynasty show that its rulers claimed proprietarj- 
rights in mango and Madhuka trees growing in the kingdom.^^®*’ 
It is, therefore, not unlikely that the expression savrk- 
shamSbkalah may be referring to the state’s ownership of 
some such trees as well. There is. however, no evidence 
^ belonging to our period to prove that the Rashtrakutas used to 
claim this right. The expression can be interpreted as refer- 
ring to the state’s ownership of the trees growing in the 
forests or by the roadsides, or on the village waste lands.j 

^ Ownership of the waste lands w^as naturally vested in the 
state. Specific evidence to prove this theory is afforded by the 
twolGanga records in the Bangalore museum which record 
the grant of uncultivable waste lands situated in Guladpadi 
and Bempur 12 to two soldiers for their distinguished 
bravery in war. ) That the Gupta adi^inistration also claimed 
this right is proved by the Damodarpur plates, where 
we find government officers disposing off waste lands by sale. 

101. 1. A., VII. p. 169. 

102. States Gazetteer, VII, A. p. 16. 


The first part of the expression sahashihatrnahupaiaia* 
gopetah, which occurs in many of our records transfers to 
the donees the right to utilise grass, fuel etc-, growing on the 
waste lands included in the boundaries of the village con- 
cerned. It must be, however, noted that the Smriti writers 
lay down that a certain portion of the village waste lands 
should be set apart as pasturage and most of the Deccan 
\ illages still possess them- In our period, too, the same must 
have been the case. The ownership of the pasture lands was 
"Vested in the village Mahaj anas./ 

(4, ii) Mines and Salt 

ancient as in modern times the state was the owner of 
the mines in the realm. The expression sahabhyantarasidJhi, 
which occurs in most of our grants, transfers to the donees the 
state* s right to the mineral wealth in the interior of the earlh-^ 
Vachaspatya^brhaJaJhidhana and S' abdarthachintamani both^ 
give nishpatti or production as a synonym of siddhi; accord- 
ing to Dharani tlie word also means sampatti or wealth* 
Macdonell and Apte state in their dictionaries that the word 
has also the sense of payment or recovery. Abhyanfarasiddhi 
would, therefore, mean ‘ realisation of whatever is in the interior 
(of the soil)* or * wealth in the interior (of the earth)* or recoveiy 
of whatever is in the interior (of the earth)’ It is, therefore,, 
clear that the meaning, which is here ascribed to this term 
for the first time, is the correct one and the expression proves, 
that the state was the ovmer of the mines and minerals. 

Mineral wealth included salt mines as well, the owner- 
ship in which was expressly claimed by the Gahadwals and 
the Choias. The Rashtrakuta records nowhere expressly 

!06. e. g. E. I., I. p. 53. 

107, €, g. Manu, VI!!, 237. Vishnu V, 147. 

108 e. g. Saheth Maheth plates of Govindachandra, E. L, XI. p. 24, 
Tandouotottam plates of Vinayanandivikramavarman, 1. L. IL 
pp. 531*2. 



*• claim this right for the state. That may be perhaps due to 
Jls not having claimed any royalty in the salt manufacture; it 
isj however, also possible that the expression" sahabhyantara- 
,mddhV having included that right as well, it was not deemed 
.necessary to specify it separately. It is, , however, rather 
/Strange that even the records of the Sllaharas, whose domi- 
nions included the coastal districts where salt must have been 
manufactured on a large scale, should not be specifically 
claiming this right. That might perhaps show that the 
Rashtrakutas and their feudatories did not claim the salt mono- 
poly like the Cholas and the Gahadwals. 

V ■ (4, iii) Treasure-trove and the property of heirless 


i This is the last item to be considered under this head. 
Our copper plate grants usually transfer to the donees the 
right to the treasure-troves that may be discovered in the 
^villages or lands granted. The expression used in this con- 
nection is nidhinikshepasametaV^^'^'^ ‘along with the right to 
treasures and buried wealth ‘ ; there is no ambiguity whatso- 
ever about its meaning. Most of the Smriti writers also 
state that the king was entitled to a fairly large share of the 
treasure-troves, except when the discoverer was a Brahmana,\ 

^ Gautama, Vasi.stha,^^^^^ Vishnu^^^^^ and Manu^^^"^^ 
lay down that the heirless property of the non- Brahmanas was 
to escheat to the state. The interpretation of the term 
‘ heirless * seems to have differed with different times. It is 
true that the widow was not recognised as an heir for a long 
time as shown already; but the Dharmasastras, which deny 
her that right, concede it to other.' collaterals, like the brothers, 

109. Cf. I. A., 11. p. 301; XIX. p. 345 etc. 

110. Manu, Vni, 35-39; YSjrmavalkya, II, 34—5; Vishnu IV. I; 

11 U xxvni, 41-2. 
113, xvih 13-4. 

112. XViU 73 
114. IX. 189, 


cousins or uncles, A person who dies 'without a male ' issue 
out leaves behind him some collaterals cannot, therefore, be 
regarded as dying without an heir. It would, however, 
appear that some states in the ancient period regarded such 
persons as dying without heirs in order to claim their property 
for themselves. | Some of the Jataka stories disclose such a 
slate of affairs, and the 6th act of the S'akuntala provides 
us with a most convincing case. There we find that the king 
stops the intended confiscation of the property of a dead 
merchant in order to see whether one of the widows, who was 
enceinte at the time of the tragedy, would give birth to a son. 
A similar case is mentioned in the Mohapardjaya of Yasfaah* 
pa!a who flourished in Gujarat in the 12th century. Kumara- 
pala is there grieved to learn that his subjects should be 
under the justifiable impression that their king always desired 
that rich persons should die without leaving behind any 
The king consequently renounces this right after 
his conversion, and the Kumdrapalapratihodha claims that 
the magnanimity of permitting the weeping widow to keep 
her property was not shown in the past even by kings like 
fiaghu and Nahusha. The case in the Deccan, however, 
was different. The tax on persons dying without a son, 
which has been already referred to, proves that only a fraction 
of their property passed to the state as a kind of succession 
duty. Managoli Inscription, dated 1178 A.D., further makes 
it absolutely clear that the property of persons dying without 
a male issue did not escheat to the crown, as was the case in 
contemporary Gujarat. The inscription states : — 

115. VoL !V,.pp. 485-6. 




If any one should die at Manigavalli without sons, his 
wife, female children, divided parents, and bro- 

t ler^ and their children and any kinsmen 

and relatives of the same Gotra. who ■ may ^ : survive, 
, should take possession of all his property, L 1 
bipeds, quadrupeds, coins, grains, house, and field t 
if none such should survive, the authorities of the 
village should take over the property as Dhaiina- 
a eyt? property/ 

It would be clear from this valuable record that the property 
of soniess persons did not escheat to the crown but devolved 
on the kinsmen m an order which is very similar to that laid 
down by ^ ainavalhya.<’^9> Somadeva, a contemporary writer 
from Karnatak, also states that the king may take a share 
of the property of the widow only when in difficulty.”^®’ This 
would show that normally the property was allowed to 
devolve upon the widow and other near heirs. It is interesting 

to note that the epigraphical evidence from the Deccan con- 

firms the tradition that the widow was recognised in that pro- 
vince as her husband’s heir since early times. This tradition 
IS mentioned as early as in the Niruhta;”-” Yajnavalhya also 
who recognises the widow as an heir and permits the king 
to mhent the property of the dead under no circumstances 
whatsoever, was most probably a southerner like his 

TOs naturally give no inf orrr glticn in. 
lus items of state expenditui^j during 
Indian History, but it is strange that 
orks also should be silent upon the 
give in great details the various sources 
ormation which only a few of them 

119 . 11 , 135 - 6 . 

12L Nirukta, fll, 5, 

i:^£PARTMENlS 24 $ 


5 r,.|>f;y about f-la' head‘d of fe ex|»®nditur v&y scrappy and 
* vAsysteiiiatic* Koutalya^^^^ €»iiLir:iarat5'^.!“ ^ 'tern$,_ of 
pcudr.ure but tlie list neilHer systemauc exhaustive*] 
f\‘o,ya’ iiarsm and hitcuen are only .ue- if '^he civil 
!ist mentioned by him, ':be ctems of civil aa. ’'.tta lie i unci 

-mdiciary are altogether rsffnittecb only a few reads of the 
military expenditure ard enumerated and the nu-cy is iurgoUcn- 
altogether. The onte^ work which lays down dcfinlt- princ'p^c's ■ 
c4 public expenditure ihe ;>‘ukr8mtid*“‘^^ The nuihor of this 
iiiie?''osUrig work very prv>babK lived in the vicuiicy of oob 
period ansi his dicta seem to have been based upon the actual ' ^ 
the three great military powers of the age, 
ilhe ibfrakuias, the Gurjara-Pratlheras and the Imlas* 
'4iew#/P^^W, therefore, l>e particularly valuable fc, our ' pmseni ‘ 
4'iqu>' Sdhra divides the income in six parts a J ;iys <umn •’ 
one should be kept .v reserve, as many -as inree should be 
i?5i| gned to the army, and half of a part should be reserved 
3ach of the iow following items, viz, { l) Charity, ( 2 ) Priiyr , !■' 
jll 'Se, ( 3 ) Civil administration and ( 4 ) * People*. 

.tt'ilsif that if ever the Rashtrakuta and Gurjara-Prallliara' bii|k 
W discovered, they would disclose a ‘ similar aii0€adoil''|i|| 
J'P'' funds. Time ampiraf'‘Were maintaining huge military forcbk ' 
^|.pd It is quite possible that their military expenditure uiay 
amounted to half of the Central revenues. It iiiust be, 
lowbver, added ^that S^ukra includes also' the polk'-e forces .y'; 
^%.inder the expression hala. VThe percentage :or the 
i^^^*’f%ninisiration seems to be '.rather small but it musi’ iidt'tS!|', 
{t|!^|otten that many of the state officers were paid by If n|l ? 
:;lli ^Wands, S'ukra permits only abotii 8% for the kmg*S'pr^^|| 

> I and it is perhaps possible that in actual ■ 

^ t our period may ha^.’e taken 'a little 4nore, 

|'‘’®^«^>^^rved for charity, m. about 8 seem^,\4>o high* 

‘I oulloolc of the 

' i’V itk oum'yW ttot me sums -spent raider 

‘■id n.%' ^5 I.fc3!3-6. 


this head helped indirectly the cause of education as wslL 
The last item * people * seems to include the provision made 
in the Central budget for the .general needs and improvements, 
of the country; grants for big ‘public works, expenses for the 
upkeep of the imperial roads, special grants to local bodies 
for works beyond their limited mcians etc., were probably 
included under this item. Education, \^nitation, local roads^ 
and public works were to a great extent managed by the local 
bodies, which were supplied with the necessanjij' funds by the 
earmarking of a certain percentage of the revenue^ collected in 
the villages for the 'local needs/ The imperi\s 5 il budget,, 
therefore, had no separate provision for these varioiis;^.. items,;, 
The central government had only to make extra special ~Trantf 
to local bodies for projects beyond their limited mean. and 
the item ‘ people ’ probably denotes that provision in tV\’ 
Imperial budget. 


The Military and Police, and the ‘ | 

Feudatories < i j 

I !, 

Section A: The Military and the Police 

^There was hardly a monarch of our dynasty who had not "-4 
;to undertake extensive military operations either to queld ^ 

• internal rebellions or to carry out ambitious foreign | 

%ions. The military ^machine of the Empire must, thereh Dire 
have been a very strong and efficient one.) It used to f 

terror literally from the Himalayas to the Cape Kamorin L 

and Kathiawar to Bengal when handled by efficient emr^ ' 

and generals, and it was through its instrumentality ! 

Rashtrakutas compelled * every prince, ’ to quote the ’ 
of Sulaiman, ‘though master in his own state, to pay ho^^^^ 1 


iD' ^lhemselves*/'^^ The ascendancy of the military was- so- 
great that it was reflected even in civil administration; we 
have seen already how many of the provincial governors,, 
district officers, and city prefects were generals or captains. 
The incessant wars with foreign powers and the protected 
feudatories had infused the military spirit in the whole popu- 
lation; there were local militias even in villages and skir- 
mishes among them were not infrequent. 

The reputation for bravery which the Marathas and Kar- 
nalas possessed in the days of Yuan Chwang was maintained 
if not enhanced in our period. Bengal rulers used to recruit 
soldiers from Karnatak and Lata,^^^ a procedure which will 
clearly show that the Rashtrakuta dominions were inhabited 
by races, famous all over the country for their martial quali- 
ties. In his Viddhasalahhanjika Rajas'ekhara, a contempo- 
rary writer, pays a handsome compliment to the bravery of 
the Karnatas when he observes that they were naturally 

: The army headquarters were at the Imperial capital, 
Malkhed* The Saiolgi inscription of Krshna describes 

Maikhed as *sthiribhutakatake L e, a place where the military 
forces were located. There must have been provincial head- 
quarters as well, y A1 Masudi has observed about the Gurjara- 
Pratiharas that they used to maintain large army garrisons 
in the south and north, east and west in order to deal prompt- 
ly with the prospective attacks on all the fronts. iThe 
army arrangements of the Rashtrakutas were also similar. 
The army of the south was under the Banavasi viceroy and 
that of the north under the rulers of the Gujarat branch. 
The first had to carry operations against the Gangas, Nolam- 

L Elliot, Eistonj. p. 7. 2. Ante pp. 190-192 

3. Bhagalpur plates, LA., XV, p. 305. 

4. cf. m Act iv. 

5. E, I., IV, p. 66. 6* Elliot, of India 1. 


bas, Pallavas and the Cholas, and the latter had to guard the 
■frontiers against the Gurjara Pratihtes. and their allies ' and 
feudatories* ' Though not specifically mentioned in epigraphi-'' 
•cal records, there must have been an army of the east as 
well to deal with the Vengi and Vanga rulers. Any corps 
could be summoned in any direction in times of difficulty. 
Thus the southern army under the Banavasi viceroy was 
summoned by Amoghavarsba 1 to quell the rebellions in the 
central and northern portions of the empire. All these 
armies must have been mobilised for the memorable cam- 
paigns in the south and north of Dhruva, Govinda III, 
Jndra III, and Krshna III.; 

The Indian armies in the time of the Rashlrakutas had 
•ceased to be for chariot as a fighting force was 

not used in our time. ■ We nowhere find any mention of 
battalions of chariots either in epigraphical records or in the 
accounts of the contemporary Muslim writers, 'The epigra- 
phical documents, while describing the military victories result- 
ing in the surrender of war materials, refer to elephants, 
infantary and cavalry; chariots are mentioned only in 
connection with the insignia of honour of distinguished gene- 
rals and military officers/ P 

vFrom contemporary Muslim writers we learn that the 
Rashtrakuta, Pala, and Gurjara Pratihara armies were 
famous for their infantry, elephant battalions and cavalry 
respectively. ,t|Al Masudi says about the Balhara L e. the 
Rashtrakutas king 

* His horses and elephants are innumerable but his troops 
are mostly infantry because the seat of his government is 
mostly among mountains.^ 

The latter part of this statement is incorrect, 
but it may have been probably intended to mean 
that the infantry was mostly recruited from the mountainous 

7. E. I.. VL p. 29. 

8. See the Kalas inscription of Govinda IV. E. L, XIII. p. 334. ’* 



^tribes inhabiting the Vindhya and -Sahya range's, as was later the 
'Case in, the Maratha' Empire; . ;The- cavalry battalions : in ' the: 

' ■ : ■ army could ■ not liave ■ been insignificant, for the Rash trak'u|a&: 
had very often to face the Gurjara Pratihara armies, which 
were particularly strong in that arm. Govinda 11 was a great 
horseman and the lightning all- India movements of Dhruva, 
Govinda III and Indra III presuppose a strong cavalry. The 
Deccan had no good breed of horse, and the Rashtrakutas 
were probably importing their army horses from Araoia, as 
was later the practice of a number of states. It may be in- 
teresting to note that most of the places mentioned in the NUi- 
'•oakyamHa as famous for their breed of horse are trans- 
Indian and that the first variety mentioned in that work is 
tthat of the Tajiha n e. the Arabian horse. At the time of 
Marco Polo the kingdom of Thana used to import its army 
horses from Arabia; the traffic in horses was so great in the 
13th and 14th centuries that no ship came to India without 
horses in addition to other cargo.^*^^^ The Vijayanagara rulers 
also had to rely on Arabia for their army horses. The same, 
therefore, was almost certainly the case in our period as well. 
This dependence on Arabia for the supply of the needs of the 
cavalry may have been one of the main reasons that induced 
the Rashtrakutas to maintain friendly relations with the 
Muslim traders residing in their dominions. 

The recruitment to the army was extended to all the 
•classes ; even the Brahmanas are to be seen in the fighting 
force. Bettegiri inscription of Krshna immortalises the 

memory of a Brahmana named Ganaramma who laid down 
his life while defending his village in a valliant manne^' The 
Kalas inscription of Govinda describes the glorious 

9. Cf. I Kadba plates, E. I., IV, p. 340, 

10. XXII. 10. The reading Tarjika is obviously a mistake for Tajika, 

IL Marco Polo, 11, p. 391. 12. E. I , XIII, p. 334. 

13. E. L, Xin, p. 189. 


career and acliievements of two Brahmana generals RevMasa . 
DiksEitaand Vlsottara Dikshita who are expressly described’, 
as Somayajins and ornaments of the Brahmana' race. Kudar- 
kota inscription records the erection of a building ' lor vedic . 
studies by a Brahmana in memory of his' son Takshadatta^ 
who had died in war. Both the father and the son are 
described in the record as familiar with the three Vedas/^^^ 
The Smriti rules do not seem to have been much respected 
with reference to the selection of professions in our as also in 
the earlier periods. It will be shown in chap. XIV how even 
the Jains used to enlist themselves in the army and distin* 
guish themselves on the battlefield. 

A part of the army consisted of the hereditary forces . 
and the forces of the feudatories. The Muslim writers seem 
to be referring to the hereditary forces when they mention 
the troops of the Indian kings, who came out to fight for their 
king though they received no pay from The principle 

of heredity, which was allowed to operate to some extent 
in the appointments to civil offices seems to have governed 
to a great extent the recruitment of the army as well. (Mania 
hala or the hereditary force is very often referred to in our 
epigraphical records as the most efficient and trustworthy arm/ 
Amoghavarsha I particularly extols the capture of the fort 
of Kedal by Bankeya, because it was garrisoned by hereditary 
{mania) ioTces. Both Sufcra^^^’ and Kamandaka^^^^ hold, 
the mania hala in the highest esteem. It would seem that 
fighting was followed as a hereditary profession in several 
families or localities from where the hereditary forces were 
recruited. Bankeya, the viceroy of Banavasi, has been des- 
cribed as the leader of a hereditary force. It would thus 
appear that the military captains who were often hereditary, 
used to recruit their forces from the families of hereditary 

14. E. L, Lp. 180. : 15. Elliot, L p. 7. 

16. IV. 7,8-10, 17,. XVI1L4.£L 



fighters. The Artha&stra^^®^ refers to villages enioyiog ex- 
emption from land tax ( ayudhiyaparihara ) on condition of 
siippljnng a certain number of soldiers to the army. Thes'e' 
villages were obviously tenanted by families from among::; 
whom the mania bala was recruited. There may have been 
similar villages 'in our period also, . which were assigned' : TO:': 
the : members of the bala» . We can noW' w'eli, .under?*: 

: stand the apparently incredible statement of the contemporary 
■ Muslim writ.ers that the troops- in -India are not paid by Indian, 
'.kings b.ii.t' maintain themselves .without receiving anything... 
from«iherri. . 

^ The Muslim writers, who make this statement, also add 
that the members of the fighting forces of the Rashoakutas 
w-ere paid regularly by their employers. It would, therefore, 
seem that even the mania hala was paid a part of its salary 
in cash by the Malkhed government. We have seen already 
how the Rashtrakutas used to exercise rigorous administrative 
control over their viceroys and feudatories, who had to send 
all their collections to the imperial exchequer* This must 
have enabled them, unlike many of their contemporaries, to pay 
their troops directly in cash or kind at the army headquarters!. 
Direct payment must have naturally increased the efficiency 
of the fighting force. J The Rashtrakuta administration is thus 
seen sharing the views of Kamandaka, a contemporary 
writer, who points out that a force, which is given its wages 
without delay, will fight with greater enthusiasm than a force 
which is not promptly paid.^^®^ 

In contemporary Kashmir the soldiers, when out on duty, ‘ 
were paid an additional allowance as was the practice of 
the East India Company for some time at the beginning of 
its career. We do not know whether the practice in Kashmir 
prevailed in the Deccan of our period as well. It is, however. 


not unlikely that the soldiers may have been paid, when out 

■ s allowance by the Rashtrahutas 

since such an allowance was calculated to infuse 
greater enthusiasm in the army. 

.L pensions to the dependents of 

he soldiers hilled in war; a concrete case of such a provision 

U> contained m one of the Bana records/'^’ > Another record 
le same dynasty chronicles the death of an officer, who 
was successful in driving away the enemy, but who fell 
while pursuing him. as he was too much in advance of his 
umn. His army put off their arms with which they had 
station, and made a gift to yield an annual 

mentfcir^ Tib ^ soldiers of this regi- 

J^ent felt that the death of their gallant officer was due to 

It in his 
Z ; unlikely that even in such cases 

the central government may have paid its own pension in 

addition to the provision made by the members of the regi- 

of untrained or 

tints -ore appointed to 

tram different units A cavahy instructor is refeLd to in 

an mscripbon from Ron in Dharwar district. This record, 
which probably belongs to the time of Araighavarsha I, re- 
cords a gift of land by the illustrious Turagavendega 
( Marveh in trammg horses ). when he was going out to 
battle. The training of the recruits, however, was not as 
arduous a task during our period as it is now. We have seen 

c Iready how niost of our villages had their own militias, re- 
cruited from their own inhabitants. These militias must 
ave been the principal recruitment fields for the regular 
thus possessed a certain amount of 
military efficiency at the time of their enrolment. The Rashtra- 
-ku^s could very well have afforded to set a' high test for 
j,A.. XU,., p.;'39.;-- :; ; E. I., Xlt '''-IS?, ’ 


admissjon to the army , e. g. requiring the recruit to show his- 
skill in archery or riding as was done by some of the Muslim 
states in the I4th centuiy. 

Most of the RashtrakOia emperors were themselves 
disUnguished soldiers and must have been, at least in theory, 
their own commanders -in -chief. Under them were a number 
of generals, who may have been in charge of the different 

corps, j The status of the general was as high as that of a 
Mahasamanta entitled to the five great musical instruments. 
They were allowed to use elephants and chariots, invested 
wnth the robes of their office and assigned distinctive para- 
sols. Here again we find epigraphical evidence corroborat- 
ing the statement in the NUivakyamrf a. a contemporaiy work 
on politics, that the generals were to be respected not only by 
the feudatories but' also by the emperor, who was to invest 
them wnh insignia of honour and dignity similar to his own.'”’ 

Baladhikria, danianayaka, and mahaprachandadandanayaka 

are the main military designations that we corrie across in our 
documents. The precise relative status of these is difficult to 
determine. Several other designations also must have existed. 
The fierce lord of the elephant force is mentioned in the 
Kalas inscription and cavalry and infantry also must 
have had their own separate officers of the different grades. 
These latter are not referred to in our records but are men- 
tioned iri the copper plates of the Gahadwal dynasty and in 


from Manyakheta who had accompanied the camp of 
Krshiia III during the southern campaigns of that emperor. 

(The Rajafaraniim refers to ambulance' corps arrange*--' 
■menils made for the soldiers in the Kashmir armies/ It 
is very likely that similar arrangements must have been made 
by the Rashtrakutas, though so far no evidence is forthcom- 
ing to prove their actual existence. ^ The same observation 
will probably be true about the Sappers and Miners corps. 

Whe army must have ■ been accompanied by numerous'-.'^ 
camp followers. Quite a large battalion of cooks, 'washei- 
men, sweepers, watermen, cartmen, etc., must have been 
necessary to meet its various needs. It seems that in 
Northern India slaves were employed for these menial duties; | 
A1 Utbi informs us that the victory, which the Hindus had 
almost secured against Mahmud of Ghazni in the battle of 
Ohind was lost by them owing to the revolt of the slaves in 
the household, who attacked them in the rear while the 
battle was at the critical stage. do not know whether 

this unsound practice was followed />y the Rashtrakutas in 
their military administration. (The reputation for great 
efficiency, which the army possessed, and the numerous 
victories that stand to its credit would suggest that it was all 
composed of free men ; slaves could hardly have found a 
place in it even for menial duties. ^ 

Wives and other female relatives of the emperors used to 
accompany them even in distant expeditions* Amoghavarsha I 
was bom, while his father’s camp was pitched at the feet 
of the Vindyas, during his campaign in the Central India.P®^ 
An inscription from Tiruvurrur records a gift from the mother 
of Krshna III made to a local It is interesting to 

^,note that Kamandaka has no objection against this unsound 

28. Vin, 741. 29. Elliot, History, If pp. 33-4. 

, 30 E. L XVIIL p. 244. 

3i. Inscriptions from Madras Presidency, CKingleput, No. 1048 



practice and it is, therefore, not unlikely that it raay have 
been fairly common in our period, '^Our records do not 

■ enlighten us as to whether officers and soldiers were allowed 
to be accompanied by their families when the armies were 

■ out on campaigns. In the case of ordinary soldiers this must 

have been an impossibility, and it would seem that only high '‘j 
officers and generals have been shown this indulgence. 
■Among the causes' that contribute' to the weakness of ^ the 
"fighting force, Kamandaka mentions the presence of w^oraen 
'.in the It would thus appear that strict and .efficient ■" 

military administrations of our period were not permitting any 
officers to be accompanied by their families when out on 
■campaigns. The only exception made seems to have been 
in favour of the emperors and perhaps the generals. 

No evidence is available to determine the exact strength 
of the Rashtrakuta army.^ Muslim writers simply attest to its 
high prestige, but they are silent about its numerical strength* 
A1 Masudi informs us that each of the four armies that 
were maintained in the four directions by the Gurjara- 
Pratiharas was seven to nine lakhs in strength. The 
reports of the strength of the armies of the various states 
in India that had reached the Muslim traders and travel-* 
lers were often exaggerated; Sulaiman says^'^^^ that the 
•elephant force of the Palas was 50,000 strong, but Ibn 
Khurdadba, a contemporary of his. observes that it was 
only 5000 strong. A1 Masudi no doubt states that the 
Bengal elephant force was reputed to be 50,000 strong, but 
adds that the reports in these matters were exaggerated. 
He refers to the report that there were 15,000 washermen in 
the camp of the Bengal ruler, in proof of his contention that 
no strict reliance could be placed on what one heard about 
these matters. The statement of A1 Masudi that each of the 

32, XIV, 69. 33, XVIil, 45. 

34. Eiliofe, I. p. 23, 35. Ibid. p. 5, ' 

36, Ibid, p. 14. 


four armies of the Gurjara«Pratlharas was about eight lakhs in- 
strength may be similarly exaggerated. It is, however, quite- 
■likely that' Al M as udi may have, based', his statement about': 
the strength' of each of the Guriara-Pratlhara , , armies on The- 
report of the 'strength of only one of therm, which: may have- 
been strengthened, in -' numhers hy the temporary mobfe 
lisation of large forces from other fronts or armies. The 
total fighting force of the Gurjara-Pratiharas may have been 
a million or a million and a quarter. The Rashtrakutas had’ 
more than once crossed swords with them successfully and 
their forces too could not have been muck less in numbers* 
Their civil administration was largely manned by military 
officers, and, therefore, it is not in the least unlikely, that they 
might have so arranged the matters as to raise easily^' an effi- 
cient fighting force of about a million, whien critical battles 
had to be fought at several fronts. The V'ijayanagar Empire 
of later period, with approximately equal resources, had an 
army of about a million/^^^ 


Writers on the Nitis'astra devmte a large space to the- 
description of the various types of forts ( durga) and declare 
that the strength of the army ^ becomes innmenseiy increased 
if it can take their shelter. cThe Deccao, over which the 
Rashtrakutas were ruling, affords ideal opportunities for the 
construction of mountain forts. It is, therefore, strange 
that neither Muslim chroniclers nor epigraphical documents- 
should give any information about or description of the forts 
of the period . ) iThis silence will have to be interpreted as 
accidental. The Konur inscription of Ainoghavarsha 
refers in glowing termsj to the great feat of Bankeya in cap- 
turing the fort of Kedajfa from the enem^^; it is, therefore, 
clear that the value of the f<)rts was well understood by the 

37. Moreland, India at the Beaiji of Akbar.'pf. 16—17. 

. 38, E. I. VI. p. 29. ■ \ 


, Raslitrakutas. We may' presume that they must have ': built ■ 
several forts on the hills, which were plentiful in theirs domi-: 
nions. The fort of Morkhind in Nasik district is ' one of ' the 
forts ■ in Maharashtra, the antiquity of which goes back to our 
period; when the Wani^Dindori^*'^^ and' Radhanptir^^^^ plateS' 
were issued by Govinda III, he was encamped in that forti 
Many other forts in the Deccan, which were repaired by 
■ Shivaii in his war of independence, may have been as old as 
our period, it is almost certain that, the Rashtrakutas must 
have built several forts in their Empire, though unfortunately 
we know nothing about them at present^ ■ ■ 


f Neither Muslim accounts nor epigraphical records give 
us any information about the navy of the Empire. Even the 
grants of the S'ilaharas, the Konkan feudatories of the Rashtra- 
kutas, give no clue to the condition or the strength of the navy.^’ 
There was no necessity of the naval force to carry on the 
warfare with the Gangas, Pailavas, Chalukyas, Palas, and the 
Gudara Pratiharas, who were the principal foes of the Em- 
pire. The Arabs, with whom the Rashtrakutas used to 
come into contact, were a maritime power, but they were al- 
ways on terms of friendship with them, and this may have 
rendered the maintenance of a strong navy unnecessaiy. 
From Abu Zaid, a contemporary writer, we learn that some 
of the kings on the western coast, e. g. the king of Cape Kamo- 
rin, used to have their navies; it is, therefore, not unlikely that 
our Empire too may have had a naval force. But it is not in 
the least likely that its strength could have been anything 
.like the strength of the army. 

Weapons of War 

It is to be regretted that the weapons of war should 
have been nowhere mentioned in our records in the 
39. L A., XI, p. 157. 40. E. L. VI., p. 242, 




of the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta/^” His- j, 
torians of Mahmud of Ghazni mention swords, spears, bows, 
arrows and maces as the weapons used by the opposing ( 
Hindu forces;^^” S^These were also the principal weapons of | 
fighting in contemporary Kashmir. It is, therefore, clear that | 

these must have been the weapons mainly used by the Deccan | 

armies of our period?' Stone-throwmg-machines are mentioned 
in the Mah^harata ; they were used by Alexander the Great * 
and the Muslim invaders of Sindh. But neither epigraphical 
records, nor Mahomedan writers refer to the use of such 
machines by the Hindu forces of the time. They were, how- ^ 
ever, used by the Kashmir armies, and were known as 
‘ yantrotpala ’ i.e. machines (to throw) stones.*'**' It is, there- 
fore, not unlikely that the use of these machines may have 
been known in the south as well. The rules of fighting as 
laid down by Manu prohibit the use of poisoned arrows; it ; 

will be soon shown that not all these rules were observed in ; 

bur period and we know that in contemporary Kashmir, ^ 

arrows used to be besmeared with a certain ointment in order 
to set ablaze the camp of the enemy.***' It is, therefore, not 
likely that the arrows used were always pure and unbesmeared, 
it was customary in Kashmir to supply the soldiers with heavy 1 
armours**®’ to protect them while fighting; we may well 
presume that similar protection was available to the soldiers 
in the Deccan of our period. 

Rules of Fighting 

[The rules of righteous fighting laid down by some of the 
earlier writers had become dead letter durbg our period. The 
Var had ceased to be a concern merely of the fighters. Whole 
villages were often destroyed**®’ and the loot of property could 
not be avoided. ’ Express reference to the depredations of war 
I 41. C. 1. 1., Ill, p. 1. Elliot, History, II, p. 30. 

>*43. Rajataranglni, VIII. 2530. 44. J6tcZ, VII, 983. 

45. Ibid, VIII. 3294. 46. E. I., VI, p. 162. 



is made in a Yadava Grant of the 11th contury/'^^^ One of 
the articles of treaty concluded between Nayapala and Karna, 
at the instance of the^ Budhist monk Atisa, was to restore or 
-compensate for the property seized by either side with 
the 'exception of the articles of food/'^^^ When Chacha 
captured the fort of Sikka, he killed 5000 soldiers and 
made the inhabitants slaves and prisoners of This 

procedure was in direct contradiction of the rule in:- 
Maniismriti, VII, 92. Kiranapura and Chakrakottya were burri- 
when they were captured by^ the hostile forces and' 
Manyakheta was plundered when it capitulated to the 
Parmara ruler S rl Flarsha.^^^^ Numerous examples of a 
•similar nature areVecorded by Kalhana/^^^ Ut isT therefore, 
clear that the rules of humane and equitcible warfare laid 
down by earlier writers were more often violated than observed 
during our period throughout the length and breadth oF Indiab 
It is interesting to note that the practice of the age is in con-' 
formity with the theories to be seen in contemporary works, 
Kamandaka boldly declares that one need not refrain from 
the destruction of the enemy even by unfair and immoral 
means/^^^ and even the Jain ascetic writer Somadeva, is 
compelled to countenance crooked {kntayuddha) and treacherous 
(tushmm yuddhaY^^^ warfare. 

Police Department 

ifrhe policing arrangements of villages were under the 
supervision of the headmen. The village watchman was in 
the immediate charge of the work, and it was his business to 
detect all the crimes, especially the thefts, that may be 
committed in the village. If a theft or robbery was committed, 
he had either to find out the culprit or to trace his foatsteps ta 

J. P. T. S., L. p. 9. 
E, !„ IX. p, 51. 

47, I. A., XII, p. 123, 48. 

49. Elliot. I, p. 142. 50. 

51. E I.;X!n. p. 180. 

52. RajataranginL IV, 294, VI, 351, VIL 1493 etc. 

■53. XVIIL 54. -54, XXX. 90--91 


a neighbouring village; otherwise he was compelled to com~^ g 
pensate for the loss. His liability was, of course, hmited by 1 
bis means and it was based on a shrewd suspicion that he 
himself might be the thief or in league with him. If the 
watchman refused to pay. his grain-share at the time of the g 
harvest was cut off, his service-land was transferred to his | 
nearest relative, or he was fined, imprisoned and given 
corporal punishment, the stolen goods could not be ^ 

either recovered or full compensation for them could not be 
exacted from the watchman, the whole community or the 
government had to compensate the victim. , 

This communal and government liability has been 
recognised by several writers. Vishnu says that if the king is- : 
unable to recover stolen goods, he must pay their value out of 
his treasury. The rules in the Artha^^stra are more 
detailed. Kautalya says, ‘ When any part of merchandise 
has been lost or stolen, the headman of the village shall make 
up the loss. Whatever merchandise is lost or stolen in the 
intervening places between two villages, shall be made good 
by the superintendent of the pasture. If there is no pasture- 
land, then the officer called Choraraijuka would be 
responsible. Failing him, the boundary and neighbouring 
villages shall make up the loss, and if the property cannot 
be ultimately traced, the king shall ultimately make good 
the loss out of his own treasury. That this communal 
and government liability, which has been admitted even by 
Kautalya, was actually enforced in practice is shown by a 12th 
century inscription from Rajaputana, which embodies an 
agreement on the part of the townsmen of Dhalopa, that they 
wmuld be responsible for any thefts that might occur in their 
town.' The king of the place had made the arrangements 
about the watch and ward of the place^^*’ '!The principle of 
the communal responsibility was thus recognised by early 

53. AlteW, Tillage Communities, p. 59, 

56. Ill, 67, 57. IV. 13. 58. E, L, XI. p. 40. 



'Writers like Vishnu and Kautalya, and' was actually enforced 
in Rajputana of the 1 2th. and' in the Deccan of the 17thfand the 
iSth centuries. It is, therefore, very likely that it was enforced, 
in oi|r period as well; . ' 

- Manu lays down that there should be established police 
stations in the kingdom, one being intended for 2, or 4, or 5 
villages. ' . Similar arrangements probably existed in our 
period. The police officers were known- in our period as 
Choroddharanikas or Dandapasikas. ■ The former are actaaliy 
'mentioned in the Antroli-Charoli copper plates of Karkkarajao'f 
'Cjuiarat,^®^^ and the latter in several Valabhi recordsV^^”^ That 
only one Rashtrakuta record just mentioned should make refe- 
rence to the police officers is probably to be explained on the 
assumption that it was not deemed necessary to mention these 
officers in the copper- plate grants creating alienated villages, 
as these officers had no powers to interfere with the fiscal 
iinatters. There cannot be any doubt that theChoroddharanikas 
were fairh^ common in our period. Chola records of our 
period mention watchmen, whose duty it was to keep a watch 
over the paths; it is not unlikely that similar officers may 
have, been employed in the Rashtrakuta dominions as well 
|;£Jrimes, that could not be locally detected, must have been 
investigated by these Choroddharanika and Dandapasika 
officers. It is very likely that these officers worked under the 
directions of the Rashtrapatis and Vishayapatis, who being 
also at the head of the local troops, could have afforded 
military assistance to the police department, in case it was 
necessary for the apprehension of desperate robbers or dacoits,} 

Section B: The Feudatories 

Feudatory states are not a new feature in the Indian 
polity introduced b 3 ;- Lord Wellesley. Since very early times 

59. Vn, 114. 60, J. B. B. R. A.S., XVI. p. 106. 

61. E, g. ValabKi plates of Dhruvasena. dated 526 A. D. V, p. 204 

62, S. I. I., n. Nos, 23 and 24. 


empires in India, have generally consisted partly of directly 
^administered areas, ■ and partly -of territories under feudatory 
states, which were allowed a large amount of autoriomy .Tn ; ' 
return for their allegiance and tribute to the imperial power..; ; 
Writers like Manu have laid down that even when an enemy .: 
king is conquered or killed in war, the conqueror should not 
annex his state, but should appoint a near relative of the former 
ruler as his own nominee to the vacant throne, imposing his 
own conditions upon him; The Mauryan, Gupta, Vardhana 
and the Gurjara-Pratlhara Empires show that this principle 
was very largely followed in practice in Ancient India. Even 
foreign observers have noted this peculiar feature of the Indian 
polity. Writing in about 850 A. D., Sulaiman says.: — ‘ When 
a king subdues a neighbouring state in India, he places over 
it a man belonging to the family of the fallen prince, who 
carries on the government in the name of the conqueror. The 
inhabitants would not suffer it to be otherwise. *(^T he Rashtra- 
kutas also usually followed this principle, and as a result, the 
empire included a large number of feudatory states. Examples 
of attempts at annexation are not unkrK>wn; thus Dhruva I 
had imprisoned the Ganga king and appointed his eldest son 
Stambha as the imperial viceory over the newly annexed 
province. Govinda III is described in the Baroda plates 
of Karkka^^*^^ as the uprooter of the royal families; ' Karhad 
plates of Krshna III were issued when that king was encamp- 
ed at Melpadi in South Arcot district, engaged in creating: 
livings for his dependents out of the newly conquered southern 
territories, and in taking possession of all the property of the- 
defeated feudatories. fit must be, therefore, admitted 
that some of the more ambitious rulers of our dynasty sought 
to set at naught the principle of non-annexation ; but it has 
to be added that their efforts were one and all unsuccessfuL.. 
Gangawadi could not be directly administered as an annexed 



province for more than 30 years, and the ■ portions of , Tamil:; 
country that were annexed by Krshna III were recovered hy 
the Cholas immediately after his death. 

■ ;The number of the feudatories representing the conquered' 
royal houses was further enlarged by the creation of new 
ones as a reward for military service. ■ Most of these used, . to 
be originally appointed only as governors with the feudatory 
privilege of the Pallchamahasabdas, but the principle of 
hereditary -transmission of office used to convert them soon 
into full-fledged feudatories:^ 

Some of the protected states like Hyderabad, Baroda and 
Kolhapur, have their own feudatories at present ; a similar 
practice prevailed in our period as well. In 813 A.D., Govindalll 
was the emperor ; his nephew Karhka was the feudatory 
ruler over southern Gujarat, and Shl-Budhavarsha ofSalukika 
family was governing Siharika 12 as a sub -feudatory, to 
which position he was raised by the younger brother of 
Karkka,^^^ The Rattas of Saundatti, who were the feuda- 
tories, first of the Rashtrakutas and then of the later Chalu- 
hyas, had their own sub-feudatories. Naturally, therefore 
the status and powers of the feudatories could not have been 
the same in all cases, a circumstance which reminds us of 
the present-day Indian polity, where also different ruling 
princes enjoy different powers and status. The important 
feudatory chiefs were entitled to "the use of the five musical 
instruments, the names of which, according to a Jain writer, 
named Revakopyachara, were SVinga (horn), S'ankha (conch), 
Bheri ( drum ), Jayaghanta (the bell of victory) and Tam- 
mala. They were also allowed the use of a feudal 
throne, fly whisk, palanquin, and elephants. Many of the sub- 
feudatories on the other hand may not have enjoyed any 
ruling powers at all, and may have been designated 
femantas or Rajas only by courtesy. In many Canarese 

66. E. L. Ilf, p. 53. 67. I, A., XIV, p. 24. 

68. h A., XII, p. 96. 


■inscriptions even.. sub -divisional officers, are . seen . Laving' the. ■■' 
■title of rcM or king. It is probably on account of this cir- ^ 
'Cumstance that ■ we read - in the, - S'abara-bhashya on the .: 
Mimansasutra II, 3, Sthat the title tajan was used by the 
■Andhras even, with reference to a Kshatriya who wm not -:, 
■engaged in ruling over a town or country, and that Kumariia, ■ 
:.a writer belonging to our period, amplifies the statement.- by 
-observing that the term’ Andhra has been used with reference -- 
to- the southerners in general.. . 

Feudatory states had to entertain an ambassador from 
the imperial court. He exe.rcised general powers of super-,.: 
vision, and control and occupied a position corresponding -to ,, 
that of the Political Agent or Resident of the present 
He was received, as merchant . Suiaiman informs us, withv 
■■ profound respect that was. naturally expected to be -shown- :, 
-to-the representative of the paramount power. He had under - 
him a number of spies for fishing out information; the thousands 
of courtesans with which Amoghavarsha I is known to have 
■covered the courts of hostile kings^®"^^ must have been 
intend for a similar purpose, and been working under the.:.' 
direction of the imperial ambassador. | The various kinds of 
spies, mentioned in the Arthasastra, were probably not un- 
known to the Deccan of our period. 

( The control, which the paramount power exercised, dif- 
fered partly with the status of the feudatory and partly with 
the strength of the paramount power. General obedience to 
the orders of the imperial power was expected and exacted. 
Attendance at the imperial court was required not only on 
-ceremonial occasions, but also at periodical intervals; other- 
wise we cannot understand how our literary writers and 
epigraphical documents should be always describing the 
imperial courts as full of feudatories. A regular tribute had 
to be paid; we find Govinda III touring about in the southern 
parts of his empire for the purpose of collecting the tributes 


due from his feudatories. Special presents were expected 
on the occasions of' festivity in the imperial household like the 
birth of a son or marriaged^^-^ As in medieval Europe,, they ha.d 
to supply' a certain number of troops to their feudal lorel and" 
to participate in his imperial campaigns. Narasimha Chalukya, 
.a feudatory of Indra III, had taken a prominent part in tha 
latter*S" campaign against the Guiiara-Pratlhara empe,ror, 
Mahipala.^^^^ The Gujarat Rastrakuta viceroyait5' 'WaS' 
•created as a hind of bulwork against the Gurjara*,P,:ratl“ 
haras. The Chakikyas of Vengi had to supply forces' tO' 
■the Rasiitrakiitas in their wars against the Ganges/''^' Froni ' 
a Bangalore museum Ganga record we learn that Nagat- 
tara, a feudatoiy of the Gangas, had to participate with his 
own forces, at the bidding of his sovereign, in a feud betv^een 
Ayyapadeva and Viramahendra wherein he lost his life. 
This practice prevailed in northern India also; Chatsu 
inscription of Baladitya^^^^ and the Kahla plates of Kalachuri 
Sodhadeva^^^^ show that the ancestors of these feudatories 
had to participate in the wars of their feudal lord, Mihira 
Bhoja, with the Palas of Bengal. Much of the confusion that 
arises, while marshalling the facts of ancient Indian 
history, is due to the habit of the subordinate feudatories of 
claiming as their own the successes which were really won 
by their feudal lords. 

: The measure of internal autonomy that was enjo\’sd by 
■ the feudatories was not uniform as observed already. The 
bigger among them like the Gujarat Rashtrakutas anc the 
Konkan Sklaharas enjoyed large amount of internal autonomy. 
They could create their own sub -feudatories/'^’ Subject to 
The payment of a certain amount of tribute they haic full 

70, i. A., XL, P. 126. 71. JSfitivdkydmrita XXX, 32« 

72. Karnatakahhashdhhushana, introduction, p. XIV. 

73, !. A,. XII. p. 160. 74. Ante pp. 91-94. 

75, E. I., VI. p. 49. 76. E. I., XII, p. 101. 

77. E. L, VII, p. 85. 78, E. L, III, p. 53. 


powers over their revenues, They could assign taxes;,^^®^.'^; 
alienate villages/®®^ and even sell without the sane*:'; 

tion of the imperial power. The position of these feudatories' . 
was 'probaly .as high as that of 'KumOTapala of Assam and 
Dhruvasena of the court of Harsha, / How slender": 
was the control which the proud feudatories were disposed 
to. tolerate in .our period can. be Judged. from the following ex-., 
tract from a letter of Akkham, the Lohana chief of Brahmana»v. 
bad, to- Chacha, who had. called upon him. to recognise .his- 
sovereignty—*! have never shown, you opposition or quarrelled., , 
.wdth you. Your letter of friendship was received and. I was':' 
■much exalted by it Our- friendship shall remain and no 
.animosity shall arise. I will comply with your ; orders. You, 
are at liberty -to reside at any - place within the .territory of'- 
.Brahmanabad. If you have resolved to go in any other 
direction, there is nobdy to - prevent you or' molest you. 

I possess such power . and influence ' that v , can' / ' render 

Smaller feudatories enjoyed far less autonomy. Not only; 
.could they create no sub -feudatories, but they had not - evem; 
■the "power of alienating any villages^ When Budhavarsha, a; ' 
Chaluhya feudatory of Govinda III, desired to give a : village:-: 
to a Jain sage who had made him free from the evil influence 
of Saturn, he had^ to supplicate for . the : permission of his 
Feudal lord/®'^^ Sahkaragana, a feudatory of Dhruva, is ^^een . 
taking his sanction at the time of alienating a village. The 
necessity of imperial permission for such alienations is proved 
by the records of other contemporary dynasties both in the 
south and north. Virachola and Prithvipati II, feudatories 
of the Choi as, had to take imperial sanction before they could 

79. I.. A., Xlll p. 136. 

80. S«e the copper-plate grants of the Gujarat RSshtrakutas. 

81. Tilgundi plates, 1083 A, D., E. I., HI. p. 310. 

82. Elliot, I., p. 146. 83. 1. A., XII, p. 15. 

84. E. 1., IX, p. 195. 


267 ' 

; alienate villages in; charity. ' The early Kadambas also 
exercised a similar control over their feudatories/^®^ In the 
" Giiriara-Prailhara empire even the feudatories in distant places- 
like Kathiawar had to take imperial permission for -such tran- 
sactions ; the Political ■ Agents* of the imperial power had' 
to sanction such ' alienations on „ behalf of their suzerains by -- 
authenticating the documents .by- their signatiires/^^^ The- 
same practice- ' prevailed in Nepal, as is clear from- a yth. 
centmy inscription of Sivadeva/^®^ ' 

irhird-rate feudatories felt the heels of the imperial shoes-, 
still more severely;>^ In the Kapadwanj" plates of Krshna l/^^^ 
we find the emperor, /giving away in'; charity a village' 
situated within the jurisdiction of his feudatory Mahasamanta- 
prachandadandanayaha : Chandragupta, ■ In the Kadarof 
inscription of Somesvara, we find a feudatory chief agreeing 
to pay annually five golden Gadyanakas for a certain charity, . 
because he was commanded to do so- by Somesvarabhatta, 
the premier of the Imperial power/^^^ |It would be thus seen; 
that the smaller feudatories had to remain'' in the dread, not 
only of their emperor,bui also- of his ministers and ambassadors'^. 

The feudatories w^ere subjected to a number of indignitiest 
if they dared to rebel and were defeated in war. ^ Sometimes- -: 
they were compelled to do the menial work, as was the lot of 
the Vengi ruler who had to sweep the stables of his conqueror - 
Govinda They had to surrender their treasures-,, 

dancing girls, horses and elephants, to the imperial power as a 
punishment for their disloyalty. , , Even' , their wives were 
sometimes put into prison and the marriage -of Chacha with the 
widow of his feudatory Akkham would ^ show that the less - 
cultured princes used to subject them to further indignities and 

85. E. L, IV. p. 82; S. I. L. II, p. 369. 86. 1. A. VI, p. 32. 

87. E. L, IX. p. 9. 88. L A., XHI. p. 98, 

89, E. L, I. p. 53. 90. I. A., I. p. 141. 

9L E. L. XVIIL p. 248. 


. ^humiliations. Attempts at' annexation, though, rare, were not, 
.. unknown.' . 

' If the central government became weak, the feudatories 
^ used to be practically independent. A'*They could then exact.' 
""their own terms for supporting the fortunes of their titular 
•• 'Cmperor; the commentary on the Ramapalacharit shows how 
RamapMa of Bengal had to pay a heavy price in order to get 
the '.support of ' his feudatories for winning the throne. 
Their position became still more strong if there was a war of 
:' succession; they could then take sides and,' try to put their 
nominee on the imperial throne, thus playing the role of the 
king-makers. On such occasions they could pay off their old 
scores by dethroning their old tyrant and imposing their own 
terms on the new successor. Dhruva, Amoghavarsha I and 
Amoghavarsha III had owed their thrones to a considerable 
degree to the support of their feudatories. The weakness of 
the position of Amoghavarsha 1 was to a large extent due to 
the fact that he owed his throne to his feudatories, like the 
cousin ruler of the Gujarat branch, who would not brook the 
former degree of the imperial control. 

92. Banerji, The Falas ofBennal, p. 85. 


^ ^ Religious Condition 

xLe Hindu revival, begun in the north under the • SWga ■■ 
: patronage, reached its culmination in India as a whole during ' 
our p*^riod. There were a few exceptions; Sindh continued to ■■ 
be largely under the Buddhist influence down to the beginning 
of our age as the Chachanama testifies; in Bengal Buddhism 
coiittinued to flourish down to its conquest by the Muslims 
towards the end of the 12th century. In the Deccan itself 
the revival of Hinduism did not in the least affect the pros- 
pects of Jainism; it continued to be the religion of a strong 
minority throughout our period. That sect was destined to 
make rapid progress in Gujarat in the 12th century under the 
influence of Hemachandra and his pupil and patron king Ku- 
marapala* In spite of this local ascendency of Buddhism and 
Jainism in some of the provinces of India, it must be, however, 
admitted that the period under review marked a distinct and 
decisive advance of the reformed Hinduism. The discomfi- 
ture of Buddhism can be regularly traced from a much earlier 
period. It is true that in spite of state patronage of Hinduism 
Buddhism ’continued to prosper in the Gupta age, as the i 
accounts of Fa Hsien and the sculptures of the Gupta school 
of Buddhist art at Sarnath, which represents the indigenous 
Buddhist art at its best, clearly show. But the tide had turned; 
and its effects were to be clearly seen in the seventh century. 
In spite of Harsha, Yuan Chwang found that the Punjab, 
and the Northern United Provinces, which were definitely 
Buddhist at the time of Fa Hsien, had slipped back into 
heterodoxy. Sacred places of Buddhists like Kosambi, 
STavasti, . Kapilavastu, Kusinagara, and VaiMi were either* 



did not visit the Deccan because me pi 

there were subscribing to bad ^ 

1. Watters. I, pp. 366. 377. 11, pp. 125-^. 63. i ; ; 

2. Watters, II, p. 115. ^ , 

3. Talsakusu 1-tsing. A Recor d of Buddhist Religion, g. 1 5 

’(I'ild mins or populated by heretics; even in 
.-Buddhism was not supreme. 

The new ground gained in the interval was otj;Qi.jgg 
■^JCanauj, where the number of the Viharas increased 
lO^^t this was due to the temporary impetus given 
' -patronage of Harsha and did not represent the ten(h.^ 1^^^, 
the ageV^Buddhism had realised in the days of Yuan C 

trie , ^ 

and 1-tsing that its days in India were numberea : 


Chinese pilgrims record a number of superstitious 

V.ininesc pus- - , v,. 

current among the Buddhists themselves, about the dt 
disappearance of their religion from India. At Budi.^f 
itself the brethern believed that their faith w'ould disa.-^ 
when certain images of Avalokitesvara in that locality wou. 4 , 
be completely buried under sand, and some of them were 
ilready more than chest-deep under that material in the 
seventh century A.D/'’ A garment alleged to have been 
worn by the Buddha himself was shown to Yuan Chwang at 
Purushapura or modem Peshawar; it was in a sadly tattered 
condition and the monks believed that the religion would 
perish the moment the garment was no more. l-tsing,who 
came in the thirdi quarter of the 7th century, saw very cleady 
what way the things were moving; he emphasises the 
necessity of a synthesis of the. various sects if the rapid 
decline of the religion was to be arrested. In the Deccan 
and Karnataka, Buddhism was never very strong; in the 1st 
and 2nd centuries B.C. and A.D., epigraphic 

evidence from the Wfistern India shows, it had several 
centres along the W^tern Coast ; but they had begun to 
decline much earlier than our period. , The pious Fa Hsien 



laot ' follow ' the Sramanas and the law of the Buddha/' . He 
had heard only a hearsay . report ; but it could not' have" been 
altogether erroneous. The Vakatakas who were ruling ' ■ 
Northern Maharashtra were orthodox Hindus ; the founder ' 
of , the house ^d performed a ntimbCTbFVsdic sacrifices dike 
■Ainishtoma, Aptoryama and As mmedha and his descendants . 
were either Shaivites or Vaishnavites, but never Buddhists.-'^'* ' ^ 
Earlier rulers of the Chalukya house, which subsequently/rose'',' ' - 
-to power, were again orthodox Hindus, who prided thernseives > ' 
on Laving performed a number of Vedic sacrifices like Agni- 
chayana, Vajapeya, Asmmedha, Bahusurmrm ^ 

Buddhism, therefore, naturally^^^ began to decline. ' ' Yuan , ■ 
Chwang records that in Konkan there were 100 monasteries, 
but heretics were very numerous; the case could not have 
been much different in Maharashtra which, though a much a 
bigger province, had also the same number of monasteries/^^ 

The number of Buddhist monks in both the provinces was 
only 6000. The strength of Buddhism lay in its cloiistered 
population, for there was nothing to mark off distinctive^^ 
lay Buddhist population from the ordinary Hindus* Any 
one could become an apasaka by reciting the triple formula; 
the church did not care either to prescribe a special form of 
recognition, or to regulate religious ideas and habits and 
metaphysical beliefs of the laymen, or even to prohibit them 
from becoming at the same time lay followers of some other 
church/^^ The total Buddhist population in the Deccan at 
the middle of the 7th century could not have been much 
more than 10,000, and that number may have further dvr-ndled 
; down by the beginning of our period. 

4. Legge. Fa Hsient A Becord of Buddist Kingdoms, Chap. XXXV, 

I 5. Fleet, a L I., Ill, pp. 236-7. 

■ :■ '6, Mahahiita inscriptian of Mangalis^’a, 1. A., /XIX, p, 17. 

r 7, Watters, II. p. 239. 

B, OMenberg : The Buddha, pp> 162-3, 382-4. 

I t 


religious condition 


t I. a nolewoiths fact that *0 revival of Hinduism id. 

/ I ilTrtuncsof jinisminthcDecjn. Tins may 

/ not anect tne 10 Firstlv the religion was 

be ascribed ^ under the early Kadambas. 

/' rS'ar STtlie '»eslcm Gangas. Many of the R*.- 
Skings’veie Jain, and so 

^ioysLd g.a»als. ^XTimiral. TS 

“Id “dt°m''lto'°SamantaV>l.adra, Akeda^eva, 


Gur.achandra. and Painpa. eeneral charac* 

(Wide ."■‘.-""tSITltiecudans 

“‘dlelinthe S' mharadiiniasa . “ 

and tnere, in uie q' „'a,kUa is alleged to have ordered a 
lengend^ character including women and children; 

r4 iws r twi 

wliham plates of Nandivarman which record 
T^'^'lntof avillageto Brahmanas after the destruction of 

Hs^rodoirseijm W »! *>“ 

? X X“ But iese cases were mther exceptional and 
Pandya rulers, u p ^ century 

a— *•' •“ 

diffrart dities tvere the manifestations of the same i™e 

"an<l.».t.heir ^ O^rivalS 

Tg‘tSldy fodlSI dyuIo-. who des^bes' him^tf 
iX Performer of the Asvamedha sacrifice, is known to, 

9. See Chapter XVI. section B. 

u. i- A" 

mean immoral persons as well. 

i ' ' 


have given a munificent: 'gift for the maintenance of a Jaina 
cslablishinent/^“^ Even when he was an avowed Buddhist, 
Harsha used to worship in public Hindu deities like the Sun 
'and'S^iva.'^^''*^ . . Karha Suvarnavarsha of the Gujarat^ branch^ 
himself a staunch Saiva, had given a field to a Jain Vihara.,al:„ 
jNaosari..^^^'^^ ' Amoghavarsha I was undoubtedly a follower 
•of '■.Jainism,, and yet he was such an- ardent believer in,, the 
Hindu goddess Malialakshml, that he actually cut off one of 
:his fingers and offered it to her, being led to believe that an, 
epidemic, from which his kingdom was ■ suffering, . would 
vanish Eiway by that sacrifice. Dantivarman of the Gujarat 
branch, himself a Hindu, gave a village to a Buddhist 
Vihara.^’‘^'^ Brahmanas of Ballal family at Mulgund offered 
a field to a Jain Monastery in 902 The*, records of 

the Rattas of Saundatti are very interesting in this respect, 
Mahasamanta Prthvirama, a contemporary of Krshna 11, is 
known to have erected a Jain temple in c. 875 A.D. His 
grandson was also a Jain, but the latter s grandson was a 
follower of Flinduism and is known to have given a grant of 
12 nimrtanas of land to his preceptor, who was well-versed in 
the three Vedas. His son Srlsena is known to have built a 
Jain temple. The Belur inscription of Jayasimha, dated 1022 
A.I)., is extremely interesting. The donor Akkadevi is des- 
cribed in this document as practising the religious obser- 
vances prescribed by the rituals of Jina, Buddha, Ananta i, 
Vishnu and Rudra. The temple that she had erected was 
for Tripurusha f. c. Vishnu, Brahma and S'ankara. This in- 
teresting lady had, not only made a synthesis of Hindu cults 
but also of all the main religious movements of the time, viz. 
Buddhism, Jainism, Vaishnavism and Saivlsm. Another 

12, 1. A.. VII, 34. 13. Smith. Early History, p. 364. 

,,,',14,.' 821 A.D.* E. L, XXL 

15, Sanjaii Copper-plates, E. LXVIIL p. 248. 

16, E. I., VI, p. 292. 17. J. B. B. R. A. S., X= 193. 

18. ■ L A.. XVni, 274. 

^fffcT \€ ' , : 



document .belonging to. the same centuiy.^^^V opens with a" 
laudation of Jina, followed immediatelj;^ by that of Vishnu. • 
The inscription informs us that at the desire of the king, the 
Lord Naga¥arma, caused to be built a ..lemple.of .Jina, Vishnu, 
vlsvara and -the Saints. ^ What a clear example of wide ■ tolera- 
tion ! A still more interesting case is to be found recorded in 
:,lhe Dambal .stone inscription .from Dharwar district' ber' 
longing to the llth century/^^^ The donors were the follower^ 
of a S'aiva sect called Balanju; the grant drafted by them 
opens with a salutation to Jain mumndras^ followed by another 
to the Buddhist Goddess Tara and the purpose of the charity 
was to provide funds for a temple of Tara and Buddha. The 
: above examples will make it abundantly, clear that, the 'view'^'' 
of Prajapati-smriti/®^^ that a person should not visit a Jaina 
temple or cremating ground after partaking of a Sraddha feast 
would have found no acceptance in the Deccan of our period. 

Such examples were not confined to the Deccan alone. 
Govindachandra, Gahadwal king of Kanauj, himself a Saivite, 
was married to a Buddhist princess KumaradevI, and is known 
to have given six villages for the maintenance of the monks in 
the Jetavana of Sravasti.^^®^ Madanapala of Bengal, himself a 
Buddhist, gave the gift of a village to a Brahmana for reciting 
.the Mahabharata to his queen Chitramatika.^^^^ It seemed as 
if the people had re^^p^^Mhere.was no cultural difference 
between the three religions, and that a man may follow any 
one of them or make a combination, suitable to his own indivi- 
dual temperament, of the acceptable elements of any or all of 
them. The case seems to Lave been somewhat similar to 
that of a modem man of culture, who fails to realise any in» 
.consistency in being a member, at one and the same time, of 
different societies formed for the promotion of literature, fine 
arts and morality. There was a certain amount of feeling 

19. Belgave inscription of Soines'vaira 1, p. 1048. A. D.. !. A., IV, 
p. 181. 20. I. A., X. 188. 21. V. 95. 

22. E. I., Xl.fp. 22. 2S, J. A„ S. B., Vol. 69. p. 66. 


•exhibited in philosophical writings of the period, but evei., 
there behind the superficial clash, there was an inner move- 
ment of synthesis. It is now almost universally recognised 
that the sclieme of Advaita philosophy, as outlined by S ankara 
was largely influenced by the S unyavada of Nagarjuna; many 
■of the verseS' in. the Mulamadhyamakarika of the latter, anti*;:... 
.-oipate the„po3iti.on later assumed by ankara/ '. 

■ : ' , : ■ '.It need hardly be added that there- was harmony prevail- among the followers of the different sects of Hinduism.," 
since it existed even among the followers of the orthodox., and 
l:lie heterodox religions. The opening .verse ' in the ■ Raslitra- 
kuta copperplates, .pays homage to both S'iva and .Vishiiu. . 
Their seal is sometimes the eagle, the vehicle of Vishnu, 
and sometimes Shva in the posture of a seated Yo^^in. The 
Gahadwal kings were themselves Saivites, but the\- used to 
worship both vS'iva and Vishnu at the time of making land 
grants/ There is a verse in the Surat plates of Karka' 
stating that Indra, the father of the donor, did not bow 

‘OW ✓ 

<26> y 

liis head even, before any god, S'anhara excepted/^*^^ * 
This smacks a little of the sectarian narrowness and 
some people may have occasionally exhibited it in our period. 
But it is not improbable that even in this verse the poet may 
have exaggerated the reality in order to develop a contrast. 
The general spirit of the age cannot be regarded as embodied 
in this verse. In the iOth century there existed at Salotgi in 
Bijapur district a temple constructed for the joint worship of 
Bralimadeva, Shva. and Vishnu. At Kargiidri there; 

24. Cf. mmn mm ft i 

mm ii 

mm %Rt g it 

“25. E. g., E. !.. X!, p. 24. 

26. CL ^ | 

w E. I., XXI. 

27. E; I. IV. p. 66. 


existed another shrine erected for the joint worship of S ankara,. 
Vishnu, and Bhasfeara/^®^ These temples are more illustra- 
tive of the spirit of the age than the verse in the Surat plates 
referred to above, 

, The spirit of toleration was not confined to the religions 
. of the land, but was extended to Mahomedanism as vvell*. 
There were, several Mahomedans in the western ports, come, 
for the purpose of ' commerce; they were allowed to practise 
their religion openly. Jumma rnasjids were permitted to 
be built for their use. This permission to build mosques 
may be contrasted with the reply given by Mahmad Tugh- 
lagh to the request of the Chinese emperor tO' permit the 
rebuilding of some Buddhist temples sacked by the Muslims,. 
The Sultan received the valuable gifts brought by the Chi- 
nese embassy, but wrote saying that the request could not be 
granted under the Islamic law as permission to build a temple 
in the territories of the Muslims could be given only to those 
who paid the Jizia tax. * If thou wilt pay the Jizia, we shall 
empower thee ‘to build a temple.’ Muslim officers were 
appointed to administer their personal to the Mus- 

lim inhabitants. This toleration is indeed surprising* when 
one remembers the brutal treatment of the Hindus by the 
Muslim conquerors of Sindh, who gave no quarter to the 
Hindus in the warfare, demolished their temples, imposed 
the Jizia tax upon them, and enslaved thousands of Hindu 
women and sold them in the streets of Baghdad/^^^^ This 

policy of doing a good turn for an evil one may be indeed 

admired from the point of view of universal toleration: and 
brotherhood, but it shows clearly that the Hinduism of^our 
period was too blind or shortsighted to see the danger that was 
awaiting it from the religion it was tolerating so liberally. 

28. I. A. X p. 251. 30, Eiliat, 1. p. 27 and p- 38.. 

S\i Gihhs, Ibn Batuta, p, 214, 32. Elliot, p 27. 

33. Ibid, pp. 170, 173, 176 and 182. 



The Musiims on the western coast were using Indian dress 
and but a little enquiry would have shown 

that they .were completely Persianised in Sindh, where they 
were under the complete sway of Persian costume, language 
and, customs* The .. political alliance of the Rashtrakutas with 
the Arabs was not solely responsible for this toleration, for it 
.continued under ' the' Chaluky as of- ' Gujarat also* Muhraud 

Ufi narrates a story of Rai Jaysing of . Aiiahilapattana, who 
personialb^ investigated into the complaints of the Muslims of 
;■ Cambay regarding the damage' done to their properU^ a.nd 
mosques in a riot, punished the Parsi and Hindu- ringleaders, 
and gave a lakh of halotras ior the reerection of the 
mosques/ So neither the horrors of the conquest of Sindh 
nor the vandalism and rapine of the 20 and odd invasions of 
Mahmud of Ghazni could change the tolerant attitude of the 
Hindus tow’ards the followers of Islam. Religious retaliation 
was out of question; Ibn Batuta describes how at the 
door of the Cathedral mosque in Delhi, enormous idols of 
brass were kept prostrate on the ground in order to make 
every visitor tread on them/'"^'’^ Hinduism of our period was 
in a position to inflict similar indignities, both in the south and 
the north, on the Muslim inhabitants of the Hindu states, but 
did not resort to such conduct. - ' 

The Hindu revival, which reached its culmination in our 
period, had three aspects, theological, philosophical and 
popular ; let us consider them one by one. 

The theological movement found its greatest exponent 
in Kumarila who, according to tradition, was an elderk" con* 
temporary of S'ankara, but may have really flourished a few 
decades earlier. Kumarila boldly stood for the pure Vedic 
religion, opposed the heterodox theory of Sanyasa, and advo- 
cated the life-long performance of Vedic sacrifices involving 
slaughter of sentient beings. It is not to be, however, supposed 

34. Ibid, f, 19. , 35. Ibid, 11, pp. 163-4. 



that the theological movement began with Kumarilar'it rather 
ended with him. It began with Palanjali ; Pushyamitra 
S’unga, who was his contemporary, had performed the 
Asvamedha sacrifice ,twice/^' Literary activity continued 
under the Vrttikara, Sabarasvamin, and Prabhakara and we 
find some of the Hindu rulers of the intervening period very 
mthusiastic about Vedic sacrifices. Nayanika. the widow 
of the third fetavahana king, is known to have celebrated a 
number of Vedic sacrifices like Asvamedha, Gavamayana. 
Gargatiratra. Aptoryama, etc.; Pravarasena, the founder of the 
Valitaka dynasty of northern Maharashtra, is recorded to 
have performed^°"^ Agnishtoma, Aptoiyama and Asvamedha 
sacrifices. Two of the Gupta emperors are so far known to 
have celebrated the last mentioned sacrifice and one of the 
early Chalukya kings is recorded to have participated in 
several Vedic sacrifices. 

The arguments of the theological school, in spite of the ,f 
brilliant advocacy of Kumarila who flourished just before our i 
period, failed to carry conviction to the popular mind. 1 he 
theories of A hinsa and Sanyasa had become so popular that 
a person advocating the life-long performance of Vedic 
sacrifices, involving slaughter, had no chance of captivating 
the popular mind. We hardly come across any Hindu kings, 
of our period who cared to boast that they bad pedormed 
Vedic sacrifices. We have numerous grants of the Rashlra- 
kuta kings given to Brahmanas to enable them to discharge 
their religious duties, but these duties are generally of the 
Smarta rather than of SVauta character. The Sanjan plates. 

* of AmoghavarshaP'^’ and the Cambay plates of Govinda 
are the only two exceptions, where it is expressly stated 
that the grants were made to enable the Brahmanas to perform 

36. Gihhs, Ibn Batuta, p. 195. 37, J. B. O, R. S., X, p. 202. 

38. C. I., I., in. p. 236. 39. I. A.. XIX, p. 17. 

40. 1. A., XVIII. p. 235. 41. E. !., Vil, p. 41. 


decline of vedic sacrifices 

Vedic sacrifices like Rajasuya, Vajapeya, and Agnishtoma. 
In all other cases the grants were made for discharging pure y 
Smarta duties connected with ball, chara, vaismdem etc. 
These facts, disclosed by the analysis of the epigraphical 
evidence, are the most convincing proof that in spite of 
Kumarila's efforts, the S'rauta religion almost died down in 
our age. Some of the Smriti writers of our period assert 
boldly that brahmanya cannot result merely by following the 
S'rauta religion to the exclusion of the Smarta one ; “ nay 
it is farther declared that a man who studies and follows the 
Veda and its ritual and derides those of the Dharmasastra. 
ensures himself 21 births in the realm of the quadrup^s. “ 

It is thus clear that both the theory and practice of the age 
had abandoned the Vedic sacrifices. Alberuni was informed 
that the Vedic sacrifices were rarely performed and practi- 
cally abandoned because they presupposed a long hfe whic 
was no longer vouchsafed in the present age. This seems 
to have been another excuse invented for the non -performance 
of the Vedic sacrifices which had otherwise grown unpopular. 

The philosophical revival had commenced about the 
second century B. C. when the nucleus of the present Brahma- 
sutras seems to have been formed. For about four centuries 
the Brahmasutra school continued to expound the Hindu p^- 

losophical wew and refute the heresies of the jams and the 

Buddhists and others till the Brahmasutras assumed their 
present form at about the middle of the 3rd ceritury A. D. A 
number of writers continued the work, but it found its most 
powerful exponent in the great S'ankaracharya who 
flourished in our period. This great philosopher, though bom 
in Kerala, was an all-India figure, and it would be interesting 
to enquire what was the influence of his teachings and 
activities in the Deccan of our period. 

42. E. g. Atri, V. 354. 

44. SacKats, Alberuni’a Indian 1 1 p. Ui#.. 



By advocating the superiority of Sanyasa to Karinamarga 
and by maintaining that the Vedic sacrifices, had merely a 
'■purificatory effect, S'ankaracharya, undoubtedly; helped the 
tendency of the age to abandon the Vedic rituals; his ,contro» 
versy with Kumarila or may not have been historicaL 
It iS' true that S'ankara's arguments .went equally against the 
Smirta ■ Karmamarga, ' but we must .not forget that people us- 
ually apply iheories- to the convenient and not to the logical ex» 
tent. It must be also remembered that Sankara himself was 
a fervent devotee of Pauranic deiliee and some of his most 
eloquent and appealing writings consist of prayers addressed 
to them. In this respect S^ankara was a powerful asset to 
the popular religion. 

It is to be regretted that there should be so far aiscovered 
no trace of S'ankara and his work in epigrapliical documents. 
This is rather strange, for tradition claims that he toured about 
preaching, discussing, controverting and founding monastic 
establishments throughout the length and breadth of India. 
There is ample evidence to show that the philosophico-iiteraiy 
activity enunciated by S^ankara continued ever increasing for 
several centuries. But the effect on popular life of the teach- 
ings and institutions of S'ankara during our period is difficult 
to estimate in the present state of our knowledge. 

The first question to be answered is whether Sanyasa be- 
came more popular than before as a result of S'ankara*s teach - 
ngs. The answer seems to be in the negative. The negative 
evidence of the epigraphical records of our period is to some 
extent significant. The Rashtrakutas and their feudatories 
and contemporaries have given a number of grants, but none 
has been so far discovered made in favour of a Hindu Sanyasin 
or his Matha. Buddhist and Jain Sanyasins very often figure in 
our epigraphical records but Hindu Sanyasins never. Sulaiman, 
who had several times visited the ports or western India 
during our period, no doubt refers to Hindu Sam^-asins when 
he says : — * In India there are persons who in accordance 


with their profession wander in woods and mountains and 
rarely communicate with the rest of the mankind. * But the 
■presence of these Sanyasins cannot be. attriWted .to the ■ in-, 
f luence of Sankara, for the theory of four ■ AsVamas, ■ .w,hicli, 
had .been started several centuries before the time of Sankara^ 
was responsible for their .presence. It seems that we have,, to, 
admit that S anhara’s advocacy of' Sanyasa did not. produce., 
in the society an upheaval,' comparable to that produced 
. by the Upanishadic,. Jain', and -Buddhist movements,. . The 
reason .seems to be the association of Saiwasa with the hetero- 
doxy in the popular mind, produced- b 5 ^ the Jain and Buddhist 
■mo.nasteries, that were flourishing for several centuries. . - 

S'ankaracharya had founded four Mathas in the four 
corners of India and very soon . subsidiary ones sprang into 
•existence. Tili recently these institutions -were powers . in, 
the land; a decree ( ajnapatra ) from them was respected by 
•society as implicitly as the command of the king. What was 
the influence of these institutions over the Deccan of our 
period ? 

It seems that these institutions did not wield any in- 
fluence in our period* In the first instance we have got not 
a single reference to any Pitha or its activity in any records of 
our period. In the second place there are indications that 
down to the 12th century A. D., the term Jagadgaru. which 
subsequently came to designate exclusively the occupants of 
the Pithas funded by S'ankara, was used to denote ordinary 
Brahmanas of outstanding preeminence, learning and character* 
The Mctnagoli inscription of 1161 A. mentions that towards 
the end of the IGth century, in the Brahmadey a village of 
Manigavalli there flourished a celebrity, Isvara Ghalisasa 
by name, who was the Jagadguru of the world and whose 
•feet were worshipped by Taiia II, the overthrower of the 
Rashtrakutas. There is nothing to indicate in the record that 


fsvam Goaiisasa Kadi any connection with the Pitha of Srin- 
geri or its branch at Sankesvara. ' Besides*, were' he:. a , :Ja,gad.-,'"; 
guru of the order founded by'S^ankara, his.iiame. would: have^ 
appeared in a Sanyasin garb. ^ He was a married; man and::::, 
the headship of the a^rahara of Managoli seems to. have been ,.: 
hereditary in his family. ■ His gotra was the same as that: of": 
the Chaliil?3^as viz, Harita, and Taila .believed that .it was,, the;: 
favour of this celebrity that had secured, him the throne:.' It is.', .■ 
therefore not unlikely that the title of ,]agadguru may have; ' 
been conferred upon him by ' his grateful and ill'ustrious:. ' 
disciple. The record- makes it clear that Isvara Ghalisasa 
was not the head of any Matha located at Managoli, and yet: 
he was styled Jagadguru. If in our period the Pithas founded,' 
by S ankara had wielded the same influence as they did till 
recently, if there had been a branch of the Srin geri Pitha at 
Sankesvara which is fairly near to Managoli, Is vara Ghalisasa, 
the head of the Managoli Agrahara, who had no connection 
with any Matha, could not have dared to use the title Jagad- 
guru. This record, therefore, makes it clear that the Pithas 
founded uy S'ankara were not exercising any appreciable 
influence in the Deccan till the end of our period. It must 
be further remembered that the claim to give the final 
verdict in socio- religious matters, claimed and conceded to 
the occupants of the Pithas founded by S^ankara, must have 
appeared as preposterous in our period. In the Hindu 
period these matters were decided by special officers of 
Government who were variousij’' known as Vinayasthiti- 
sthapaka'^, Dharmankusas, Dharmapradhanas or Panditas. 
The last mentioned officer was to be a member of the 
ministry according to the S'ukramti, a work which very 
probably belongs to our period with the exception of some 
interpolations, and it was he who was to review the realm of 
social and religious practices, to find out which of them, 
though prescribed in the S^astras, were against the spirit of 
the age, which were absolutely obsolete, being countenanced 


2S1 “ 

neither by the S'astra nor by custom, and to issue such orders- 
regarding the points at dispute as may secure both this world 
and the next. The Smritis of our and of earlier period 
assign this fimction to a. parisfiad or conference, composed of 
distinguished learned men of known character and piety,. 
There is no real contradiction between S'ukra and these 
Smriti writei-’s for ■ the royal officers, when and where they 
existed, may have presided over • -and been guided by the 
decisions of these experts. . .The case was similar tO' that of : , 
the iudiciai Panchayats ; the judgments signed by: Kama. 
Sliastri Prabhune of the Peshva 'period used to embody' the- 
decisions of the Panchayats to whom the cases were referred,. 
though the signatures of the Panchas did not appear on the 
judgments. It is therefore not likely that the ministers of the 
Hindu states and the Parishads of our period would have 
looked with favour upon the proposal to surrender their rights in 
social and religious matters to the order founded by S'ankara- 
chaiya. It is very probable that the occupants of the Plthas 
acquired their present powers and jurisdiction subsequent to 
the fail of Hindu states. With the establishment of 
Muslim rule the state ceased to look after the social and 
religious usages and the Parishads may, therefore, have gladly 
welcomed the idea of utilising the prestige, which was by that 
time acquired by the representatives of the order founded by 
S^ankara, for the enforcement of their decisions. ^ As years 
roiled on, prestige of the Pithas increased in the Deccan 
and the Parishads were forgotten altogether. r * 

Let us now proceed to consider the popular Hinduism 
L e. the religion of the masses of our period. This religion 
be described as the Smarta Pauranic religion. The 

46. cf. q?fr: % ^r^'tror: i 

^ %Sf5fTr fi i 

iHh 98-100 

47. Gautama II, 10.47-48; Manu a XII. HO ff; Yajanvaikya 1. 9s. 
S'’atStapa 129; SVnklia, IV, 29, 63, 


Tefonii movement, which culminated in this developmerit, had 
begun much earlier than our period; it had commenced with 
.die later. Smriti- writers and the Temocleilers of the .older 
.Puraiias and had' so completely captured, the imagination of 
,;|h.e masses in our period that the advocates of the theological 
revival found themselves helpless ^before it. Unfortunately 
■the precise chronology of these works is not yet definitely 
fixed, but it is generally agreed that the majority of them, 
were composed sometime between 500 and lOCO A.D. Let 
us see what epigraph! cal evidence has got to say about ' the 
success or influence of this movement 

The Smritis had preached ths gospel of the pancha- 
..mahayajnas, which were intended as substitutes for the Vedic 
sacrifices involving slaughter. Vast majority of the Braiimana 
donees of our period are described as performers of these 
.sacrifices. During our period Smarta agnihotra w-as fairly 
mammon at least among professional priests; Atrisamhita, 
which belongs to our period, says that a Brahmana, who does 
not keep is a person whose food should not be 

accepted. The prevalence of agnihotra during our period 
is proved also by the testimony of Alberuni, who observes that 
•the Brahmanas who kept one fire were called Ishiins and 
those who kept three were called agnihotrins.^^^^ Some of 
the Nigama writers include agnihotra among things prohibited 
in the Kali age, but that view was not the view of our age. 

If we compare the daily routine laid down by early Smriti 
\yriters for a Brahmana householder with that laid down by 
later Nibandha writers, we shall find a great change. The 
earlier writers like Manu and Yajnavalkya prescribe one bath 

49, SacLau, I, p, 102. 

28 J 


The Nibancilia writers definitely lay down three baths for 
a Brahmana, the Smriti writers of our period hesitate between, 
on e and two.; ' Sankha , is satisfied ■ with one bath , only, ; ■ . but 
Dakslia, Katyayana, and Vaiyaghrapada advocate two/®‘^Hhe- 
second, one being at the mid-day. That the rule of the Smritis 
was actuaiiy followedj.p. ^pi’actice towards the end of the IStli- . 
centur5?/^!,\,is proved by Marco . Polo who . testifies to the 
fact .that the Hindus of ' Malabar, both . males and femaies, used 
to take two baths a The theory of three daily baths 

had 'begun to appear towards the end of our period, and .had 
not yet liecome popular. Alberuni notes- the theoretical . rule- 
that a Brahmana should take three baths a day, but adds that 
in practice, the evening prayers were recited without a previous^ 
bath. He observes Evidently the rule about the third 
bath is not as stringent as that relating to the first and second 

The number of prayers, sandhycis, was -also tending to- 
increase at about our period. As the etymology of the term 
sand hy a shows 9 the sandhya times could obviously not have 
been more than two in the beginning. A third sandhya^[how- 
ever, began to be advocated by some of the Smriti writers of 
our age. Atri lays down that a twiceborn should recite 
sandhya thrice; Vyasa concurs and supplies three different 
names to the three different sandhyas as Gayatri, Sarasvatl,. 
and Savitri respectively/^^^ The Nibandha writers accept 
this theory and prescribe three sandhyas universail5% 

ft will be thus seen that the Smriti writers pf our period 
were showing a tendency to make the simple Smarta religion 
as rigid and con^Iex as the STauta one; detailed rules, hardly 
leaving much scope for individual liberty, began to be framed 
for saucha^ dantadhavana, bath, achamana etc. SVauta 

50. Quoted in Smrtichandrika , Ahnikakanda pp. 290-291. 483. 

51. 11, p. 342 

52. lLpp. 33, 134, 

53. Quoted in Achuramayukha, p. 39. 54, IMd# 



•sacrifices had died down in out period but the rigidity of ritU' 
aiistic details which characterised them became a prominent 
feature of the Smarta religion from about the 12th century 
' ■onwardso Our period was the transition, period. ' 

Another characteristic feature of the Hinduism ot our 
was the po pularity of The theory., and' 

advocacy of VratasTvaTa" 'peculiar leature of the Puraiias, 
most ^ of' which . were- either composed or remodeiied near ^. 
-about our period. Out of the 113 Vratas mentioned in the 
Vratarka of S'ankarabhatta as many as - , 1 10 are ' based -on ' 
' -the authority of the Puranas. 128 .Vratas mentioned in the - 
Vtatahaumudi and 205 described in Vrataraja are all of 
them based on Pauranic authority. Vratas offered opportii- - 
nities for individuals of both the sexes of personally going -- 
-- •'through a course of religious life characterised by- self-.. 
denial and austerities. There was also the bail of the 
fulfilment of desires intended for the ignorant. They there- 
fore powerfully appealed to the popular mind, and are still 
characteristic feature of Hinduism in rural areas. In the 
Deccan of our period, they were probably becoming popular 
We do not find any reference to their popularity in epigraphical. 
records of our period. But this fact is pi^obably accidental, 
for we have ample evidence to show that the Pauranic 
religion, as a whole, was capturing the popular imagination. 

The Nargund inscription, dated 939 records some 

voluntary contributions from the various classes of inhabitants 
for the purpose of a local tank. The contribution of the 
Brahmanas is stated to be one golden Pana on the occasion of 
each Prayaschitta performed in the village. The Kalas 
inscription of Govinda IV also records an assignment 
by the local Brahmanas of the fees they used to 
receive at penitential rites ( prayas chittas ) for the mainte- 
nance of a local college. These records will therefore show 

55. L, A.,:2iILp.224. 




•tliat at least 1 some of the various Prayas^chittas that have 
"heen prescribed in the Smritis were performed fby some 
sections of \ Hindu society. Some of the later Smritis, 
'that were written not far from our period, e, g, Laghu-Satatapa ■. 
Brihadyama,.. at;id Apaslamba, are almost entirely devoted tO v 
'the discussion ' of ■ penitential rites. These can, be ■„ .better ■ 
.■described as Prayaschitta manuals -necessitated by the general^, 
tendency of the age to perform them. 

■ . : The Puranas offered new sa g a r i p .and anthropomorphie ^ 
■nuclei for religious devotion, and the deities that were glori- 
fied ■ in them soon, 'became popular gods .o-f .the masses.,- 
Growth of sectional rivalry?- was anticipated hy the doctrinei; 
that all the deities are the manifestations of one and the samel 
Supreme Power. Our epigraphical records bear eloquent 
testimony to the pomlar^ty of thp Pauranic deities in our 
period. That S'aiv^i and Vaisbiiavism were the main sects 
of our time is indicated by the usual opening verse in the 
Rashtrakuta grants, which contains a salutation to both Sbva 
and Vishnu. The grant of Abhimanyu Rashtrakuta mentions 
a Dakshiiia-Sbva temple, whose custodian Jalabhara seems 
to have been a Pasupata. At Salotgi in Bijapur district there 
was a temple 'pf Ka^»ayam and another constructed for the 
ioint worship of Brahma, Vishnu, and The custom 

of founding a Sbva temple in commemoration of a dead 
ancestor, and of naming the deity after the person to be 
commemorated, had already become prevalent in our period. 
Hebbal inscription, dated 975 refers to a temple of 

Bhujjabbesvara built to commemorate Bhubbarasi, the grand 
mother of the Ganga ruler Marasinha IL Ragholi plates of 
Jayavardhana^"’'*^ and the Kavi plates of Govinda of the 
Gujarat branch attest to the prevalence of the Sun worship. 
The Pathari pillar inscription discloses a temple of S'auri. 

57, E. I., IV. p. 60. 58. E. f., IV, p. 350. 

59. E. L. IX, p. 42. 60, I. A., V, p. 145. 

61. E. L, IX, p. 250. 


A tenvpie of S'arada existed in Managoli/^^^ / The worship 
of the presiding deities of the locality is inientionecl in 
record from Saundatti, dated 875 A.D., which refers to the 
temple of 'the. deitv presiding . over . Suganfdhavatl 
.Whether Vithoba of Pandharpur, perhaps the/ .most popular 
"diety of the Deccan to-day, existed in our peifiod is difficult .to 
determine with ' certainty. An inscription^,’' from Belgaiim 
district, dated 1250 A.D., refers to a grant mcide in the presence 
of 'Vishnu at Paundarika-kshetra, which i.s described in the' 
document as situated on the banks of • the Bhlrna. The 
name of the Tirtha and its situation on .'the Bhima make, it' 
obvious that our inscription clearly' prck ^f^ the existence . .of 
'the Viltiiala temple at Pandharpur in.4250 A=.D. It was even 
then .a famous centre of pilgrimage; the premier Mailsetti" 
utilised his presence at Paundarika-kslietra for making the 
donation. The fame of the tetople was already well esta- 
blished by the middle of the 13th century A.D.; it is, however, 
difficult to say how far earlier than 1200 A.D. the worship of 
Vitthala had commenced at Pandharpur. Since it was a 
famous centre at about 1200 A.D., we ma 3 - reasonably pre- 
sume that the worship of the God at the place was at least a 
couple of centuries old at that time. ^ 

in addition to the above gods the masses were worshipping 
a number of aboriginal deities. The worship of Mhasoba 
was current. A1 Idrisi obviously refers to it when he says: — 
‘Others worship holy stones on which butter and oil is poured/ 
Tree and serpent worship is mentioned by the same writer; 
the serpent worshippers, we are told, used to keep them in 
stables and feed them as well as thej’' could. He further 
says; — * Some acknowledge the intercessory powers of graven 
stones' This may possibly refer to the belief in inscribed 
talismans or it may refer to cases like that of the famous 

63. J. B. B. R. A. S., X* 199. 
65. ElUoi, I, p. 76. 


Garuds^dlivaja erected 'at Vidiia by tbe Greek ambassador 
Heliodorus, which was being worshipped as Khambaba at the’ 
time Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar discovered it. 

The followers of all these - different gods formed, or 
rather appeared to a foreign observer as forming, different 
sects. ^ ' A! Idrisi therefore states that there were ■ 42 : dif f ereinfc': 
sects in India' at his time. But since the followers of -the^^ 
different deities 'shared the belief that they were worshipping 
the different manifestations ' of one- and the same Supreme''' 
God, they can hardly be described as forming different sects* 

The problem of the origin and prevalence of the image 
worship is still to be properly worked out, Dharmasutra 
writers rarely refer to the duty of worshipping images of gods 
either at home or in public temples; nor is it mentioned by 
Manu. The cult of public temples seems to be later than, 
the time of Asoka, It may have been deemed a suitable sub- 
stitute for the great S'rauta sacrifices which were attended by a 
great number of people. Possibly the example of Buddhism 
with its splendid temples and monasteries may have given rise 
in the Hindu mind to a desire to have similar centres of public 
worship and congregation. Whatever the real causes may 
have been, temples soon became recognised centres of public 
worship and were characteristic of the Hinduism of our 
period. It must be, however, noted that the sums of money 
that were being spent over the temples, images, their orna- 
ments and daily worship were tending to become excessively 
high in our period. A1 Utbi says : — ‘ The kings of Hind, the 
chiefs of that country, and rich devotees used to amass their 
treasures and precious jewels and send them time after time 
to be presented to idols, that they might receive a reward for- 
their good deeds and draw near to their God.*^^’ Not muck 
evidence is forthcoming from the Deccan proper about the 
wealth unneccssaiily hoarded in temples in the form of orna- 
ments etc., but we know that in northern India temples were 
66. EIHot, n, p. 34. 


the places that yielded highest amount of plunder to Mahmud 
of Ghazni. Epigraphicai evidence is available to show 
that large sums of money were spent in Tamil country to 
furnish cosily gold and jewel ornaments to the deity in the 
R&jarajesvara temple by Chola kings and their subjects.®* 
Some of the temples in the Deccan too must have been centres 
of wealth; Krshija I is known to have given a number of gold 
and jewef ornaments to the S iva image in the Eiloia temple, 
which he had excavated from solid rock at great cost.'®®* 
Specific cases of alienations of lands and villages for different 
temples are fairly numerous and the Cambay plates of Govinda 
IV,'®®' dated 930 A.D., inform us that this monarch gave away 
400 villages and 32 lakhs of drammas for the different temples 
in his dominions. Watchmen were essential under these 
circumstances for the bigger temples and we often come 
■across provision made for their maintenance.' " 

Part of the charity that flowed into the temples was 
usefully utilised. It will be shown in Chapter XV! how many 
■of the temples of our period used to maintain schools and 
■colleges. They were very often disharging the duty of poor- 
relief by maintaining feeding houses. Abu Zaid refers to 
these when he mentions inns for travellers attached to tem- 
ples. Epigraphicai evidence proves the existence of many 
such feeding houses maintained in temples; one existed at 
Kolagalluin Bellary district in 964 A.D.'”' and others ex- 
isted at Managoli.'’®* Nilgund,'’*' Hesarge,''^®* Bagewadi.”®’ 
Belgamve.'^^* Dambal,'^* Gadag.'^®* and Behatti'*®* in Kar- 

■ 67. S. 1 . !■. Ilf Nos. 1~3. 68. 1. A., XII, p. 159. 

69. E. I.. VII, p. 26. 70. E. I.. V. p. 22; S. I. I., 1I‘ pp. 301-3 etc. 

71. Elliot, I. p. 11. 

72 Inscriptions from the Madras Presidency, Bellary district, No.82. 

73 ] E.I..V.P.22. 74, E. 1.. HI. p. 208. 



•.natak and Kharepatan^^-"'^ in Konkan. Some of the records 
meiilioning the above feeding houses do not fall strictly within 
o-ur period* but they are mentioned here to give an of the 
general practice of the age. 

We get some idea of the details of the daily ■ temple' life ■ 
from the epigraphical records of our period. 'Daily worship/ 
was done three times a and many of the Choia re- 

cords specify the quaniit}? of rice and other articles, to be used 
at the time of the naive dy a at each of these worships. The 
'richer establisiiments used to have a set of musicians, who 
used to play music at the temples ' at the time of worship*' 
The provision for their maintenance figures in the Hebbal In-., 
scription of 975 and in several Choia records- The 

worship offered was sumptuous; scented water for the bath, 
costly clothes, and rich naiveaya were provided for. These 
and some similar items were included under the term anga''^' 
hhoga of the deit 3 ^ for which provision is made in some of our 
records. Flowers and garlands were of course indispensable; 
a number of our records mention grants made for flower gar- 
lands which were very often attached to the temples. Some 
of our records mention provision made for the rangabhoga of 
gods. The precise meaning of the term is difficult to deter- 
mine, as it is not known even to Sanskrit Koshas. But since 
the term ranga can mean a play-house, it is permissible to 
conjecture that the expression rangabhoga may refer to 
periodical celebrations of Pauranic dramas, which may have 
been exhibited at the time of the annual fair at the temple. 
An inscription at the RajarajesVara temple, belonging to the 
beginning of the llth century, records a provision made for 
the actors, who used to take part in a drama called Rajaraja. 

Chariot processions were held on the occasions of fairs; an 
inscription from Pattadkal in Bijapur district, dated 778^-^^ A.D., 

81. E. L, in, p. 300. 82 . Ibid, Vil, p, 194. 



mentioos the grant of a horse-chariot and an e!ephanL“ 
chariot bY..a dancing gir! to a local God. Two records, falling 
outside^^’*- proper period, mz. Managoli inscription* dated' 
il6i' and the Siddhapur inscription, dated 1158 A. ' 
refer to damanaropam and pavitraropam ceremonies that 
.were performed, in the. months of Chaitra ■■. and .STavana " 
respectively. It is not unlikely that these ceremonies were 
performed in our period as well, since one of them vizc 
damanaropam is mentioned by Alberuni as a popular festival 
in.'..Chaitra, when Vasudeva was' swung to and fro io' a:. ' 
swiogd®^^ ■ In his SmTiikaustubha, AnantadGyQ prcscnhes tkQ',^ 
celebration of damanaropam in Chaitra and pavitraropam in . 
.S^ravana. ■ We thus get a proof of ■ the actual prevalence 
of some of the ceremonies described by later writers in O'ur': 
period. The view advanced earlier in this chapter, that sonie^ 
of the new ceremonies and rituals that find literarj^ recogni- 
tion in the Nibandhas of later period were already getting 
popular in our period, is thus not altogether without a 

Theoretically Hinduism no doubt regards idols as mere 
visible symbols of'. the Divine, but the great paraphernalia of' 
idols, their worship^ temples, and establishments began to 
engender during our period an imperceptible feeling that the 
visible idol was everything, and the greatest importance began, 
to be attached to its sanctity and safety. This was rather 
regrettable, for very often the feeling worked against national 
interests. Hindus could have ousted the Muslims from 
Multan had they not been compelled to retire by the threats 
of the Muslim garrison to break the famous idol of the sun 
in that city, if it was beseiged. If the philosophy of idol- 
worship were properly understood at the time, this threat 
could not have deterred the Hindus ; another idol could have 



been instalied in the proper religious manner to replace the 
destroyed one. Idol destruction by Mahmud of Gha 2 ni would 
no't have unnerved the Hindu opposition, if the philosophy of 
.the idol worship m^ere properly understood in our period.: 

Temple worship was usually entrusted to Brahmanas;:''' 
,our.. records , very often refer to settlements of Brahmana. 
householders near the temples to look after the temple 
wo^rship. But the non- Brahmana Gorava worshipper, who is 
^iiow so common in the Deccan, also makes his appearance in- 
our period. The worship in the- Ram esvaram temple on. the 
Tiingabhadra was being performe.d by a Gurava ■ in^ 804 A.D., 
when Govinda III had visited the place; Shivadhari, who is 
expressly described as a Gurava in the record/*'®^ was the re- 
cipient of a grant from the emperor. In the S'iva temple at 
Mantra wadi in Dharwar district there -were Gurava worship--: 
pers in 875 A.D., who were required- to keep unbroken the vow- ' 
of chastity. At present the Guravas are not required tO:' : 
lead celibate life anywhere in the Deccan; therefore, this 
information supplied b^^ our epigraph is very interesting and 
important The Guravas are also mentioned in a Soratur 
inscription of the time of Krshna IH, but their precise 
connection with the temple worship is not very clear from the 
irecord. The Ganga ruler Botuga II had a pet dog; he was 
let loose at a mighty boar and the two hilled each other in 
the fight The affectionate master raised a tablet to com- 
memorate his pet and appointed a Gurava for its worship. 
.It ^voiild be noticed that the cases of Gurava worshippers, 
mentioned above, all pertain to Shva temples, except the last 
one where he was appointed to perform the worship of a dog 
tablet It would be, therefore, permissible to conjecture that 
the Guravas were originally non -Aryan, and very probably 
Dravidian priests, who continued to officiate at the temples 


90. I A.. XI, p. 127. 

91. E. I., VIl, p. 202. 

of deities whicti were originally noo-Aiyan* Later on they 
may have been allowed to be associated with Aryan temples, 
and gods as well. 

The Grhya-sutra ■ ritual requires animal sacrifices in ^ 
connection with some popular deities like , Vinayaka, Kshetra- 
pMa, That these sacrifices prevailed in our period in ' ■ 

northern India is proved by the statement of Alberuni, ■ that ■ 
'' ' the ' worshippers of some gods . deities Durga, Mahadevas. ' 
Kshetrapala, and Vinayaka used to kill sheep and buffalos 
with axes and offer them as naivedya to the deities concern- 
ed. Similar practices must have prevailed in the Deccan 
since early times, but it is not unlikely that the great influence- 
wliich Jainism exercised in our period may have led to these 
sacrifices getting unpopular to a great extent It may be also^ 
pointed out that the Muslim travellers like A1 Masudi and 
Al Idrisi, who were mainly acquainted with the conditions 
of the Deccan and who describe in detail its religious- 
practices, do not refer to this custom which is mentioned by 
Alberuni, who was acquainted with the conditions prevailing 
in the north. Animal sacrifices are even to-day rare in the 
Deccan when compared to their great popularity in a pro- 
vince like Bengal. This comparative weaning of the masses 
in the Deccan from them may be attributed lo the great 
influence of Jainism during our period. 

A very regrettable feature of the temple atmosphere 
was its vitiation by the association of dancing girls. This has 
been noticed by the foreign travellers of our period as well as 
of later times and is also proved by epigraphical records. 
In big temples their number was often to be counted in 
hundreds. An inscription at the Rajarajesvara temple, be- 
longing to the beginning of the 11 th century, records an order of 
Rajaraja, transferring as many as 400 dancing girls from the 

93. IL H; Apastaynbot, XX, !2-20; BharadvajUt, If, 19; etc. 

^ 94. ’ i, 120» ■' 95., ; AW Elliot, I, p, 1! ; Marco Polo, II, p, 345^ 




various quarters of his kingdom to the Tanjore temple, and 
assigning to each of them one veli of land, There is^ 
evidence to show that the custom did exist in the Deccan. 
well at the Lokamahadevi temple in Pattadkal ( Bijapar 
.district ) there were dancing girls - by the middle - of the -^Bth . 
century; one of them was so rich as to give to the ■ temple- : 
god one horse and one elephant chariot. ■ In the Bhujjabesvara : 
" temple at Hebbal in Dharwar district there were five dancers-/ 
in the middle of the 10th century,- each one being assigned '. 
4 maitars of land for- her maintenance. That these dancing 
girls were not leading pure lives, but had degenerated into- : 
women of easy virtue, would be clear from the statement of 
Marco that a person, who desired to take to the life of 

a Sanyasin, was tested by his capacity to stand the blandish- 
ments of the temple girls who were specially sent to lure him, 
Marco Polo’s testimony no doubt refers to the Malabar of 
the 13th century, but we shall not be far wrong in assuming 
that the state of affairs in the Deccan of our period was not 
far different. In course of time the custom seems to have 
spread to Buddhist establishments in Greater India. A 
passage on Kambodia in Chan Ju-kwa states : — * The people 
are devout Buddhists. There are serving in temples some 
300 foreign women. They dance and offer food to Buddha* 
They are called a -nan or slave dancing girls.’ 

The origin of this regrettable custom is to be traced to 
the desire to provide for good music at the time of divine 
worship and popular festivals. The precise time of its origin 
IS still obscure. It is not mentioned by the Greek historians* 
The Arlhasastra, book II, chapter 27, which gives a detailed 
account of prostitutes, is unaware of their connection with 
temples. The temple dancing girl does not figure in the 
Jatakas and is not mentioned by the Chinese travellers. We 
may, therefore, presume that the custom was not very 
96. S, 1. II pp. 278 ff. 97. 11, p. 366, 

98. p. 53, quoted in Marco Polo, III, p, 115. , , . 


common till about tHe, 6t}i century A,D. But at aiiout this 
lime tke custom 'Seems- to have arisen* for it is referred to in 
Matsya-puram and Padma-puram, Srshti^khanda. The 70th 
chapter of the former and the 23rd chapter of the latter contain 
a discourse on the duties of harlots ; 16,000 widowed wives of 
Krshna, when ravished by the Abhiras and thus reduced to 
the sad plight of, prostitutes ( veiyas), enquire from Dalbliya 
about their duties. ' The latter informs them that they should 
stay in palaces and temples/'’^^ It is, therefore, clear that 
the custom had already come into existence when the 
Puranas were being remodelled sometimes during or after the 
'Gupta age. It is not to be, however, supposed that the custom 
'did not evoke any opposition from the higher sections of the 
society. Alberuni’s statement, that the Brahmanas would 
have abolished this custom if kings had not stood in their 
way^^®®^ is confirmed by a contemporary inscription fromRaja- 
putana. Sadadi inscription of Jojaladeva, belonging to the 1 1th 
■century, records a decree of that king regarding the fairs 
at local temples. It goes on to observe : — ‘ On the occasion 
of the fair of a particular temple the dancing girls of all other 
temples in the city must attend, properly attired, and partici- 
pate in the music. Our descendants should see to it that 
this arrangement continues in the future. If at the time of 
fairs an ascetic or padaharaka (?) or a learned ( Brahmana ) 
seeks to interfere with this procedure, he should be forthwith 
stopped. The concluding sentence of this quotation makes 
it quite clear that the learned men and ascetics of the age had, 
.as Alberuni has stated, realised that the association of dancing 
girls with temples was abnoxious and were making efforts to 
.abolish it. The richer classes of the society, however, cham- 
pioned the new custom and iheir support made it permanent. 
It would appear that girls were often purchased for being 
dedicated to the temples. 

99, Chap- 49, V. 102. 100. 11. p. 157. 101. E, I., XI, p. 28. 



A, large space in the Puraoas is devoted to the purpose 
'bf describing the importance of the various Tirthas>or sacred 
places in the different parts of India. The cult of pilgrimage 
■had become ' fairly popular in ■ our period. Muslim writers ^ 
■’have noted how thousands of pilgrims used to , visit the; Spn . 
temple at Multan and the Siva temple at Prabhasa, so-rae of 
: whom' used^' to crawl on their bellies - during the last, sta-ge of,.; 
their journey, ■ For the daily ablutions of the ido,k at , the, 

„ last mentioned place, arrangements were made tes ■ provide , 
"fresh Ganges water every The popularity’ of Prayaga, 

Varanasi and Gaya must have been still greater; long sections ■ 
are devoted by several Puranas^^^^'^' for the glorification of these 
places. Laghu-S'ankha Smriti that many sons are to 

be desired because then alone there would be the possibility 
of at least one among them going to Gaya and performing the 
STaddha there. A number of other Smriti writers^ of our 
period describe the merit accruing from consigning the: 
bones of the dead to the holy Ganges. There is epigraphs - 
cal evidence to show that the cult of pilgrimage was as 
popular in the Deccan of our period as it was elsewhere. 
Dantidurga repaired to Ujjayini when he wanted to perform « 
the Hiranya-garbha-maha-dfJna and a number of our 
records state at their end, that any person interfering with 
the charity described therein, would incur the sin of slaugh- 
tering a thousand cows at Varanasi and Ramesvara/*^^ 
These holy places were obviously regarded the holiest even 
in the distant Deccan of our period. In those days when 
travelling was so difficult, costly, and dangerous, ail could 
not visit these distant Tirthas ; the doctrine of acquiring 
merit vicariously through some one else, by requesting 

102. Elliot I p. 67. 103. Ihid, p. 98. 

104. E, g., Skanda Purina. 105. V, 10. ^ \ 

106. E. g., Yama, 1. 89—91; Lagku*S^anklia, Y. 7 etc, 

107. E. L, XVfll. p. 248. 108. E. g., L A.. XII. pp. 220 225 etc * 


him tc dip so many limes more io the sacred pools on one’s., 
own acrounts was,' therefore, 'bound to arise, and ,we find i|, 
mentioned in some of the Smritls'of' our period/^®^^ 

The curse of the sin of the slaughter of a thousand corn’s,, 
^vhich has been mentioned in ' several inscriptions of our ■ 
period referred to' in the last paragraph,' would attest to the- 
immense veneration in which the cow was held in our age. 
Several Smritis of our period contain detailed rules about the 
reverence and consideration that , was to be , showm : to the- 
The term of detestation used with reference to the 
Muslims in our period was the cow-eaters/ In the 14th 
century capital punishment was inflicted in Hindu states 
upon a person who had committed the crime of killing a cow 
Ton Batata cites the concrete case of a Shaikh, who was 
given the lighter punishment of the mutilation of both the 
hands and feet for the slaughter of a cow because he was 
held in high veneration by the Hindus as well/ii3> geef 
eating was inconceivablej but in some localities like the 
Malahar, the pariah class was accustomed to eat it, if the cow 
had died a natural death. This practice was current in the 
rith ceniury at the time of Marco Polo, and it still prevails in 
many localities ; but whether it existed in our period we do 
not know. In the 17th century it was regarded a sin to allow 
a cow to die in one’s house. The Smritis of our period 
do not share this belief and vve may well doubt whether this 
notion existed in our period. 

In the extreme south the Bhakti movement had grown a 
strong under the Vaishnava and S'aiva saints during our period; I 
its traces are, however, nowhere to be found in the Deccan : 

109- Airisamhitat w. 50-51; Paithinasi and VrddKavasislit ha quoted 
in the Acharadhyaya of the SfiiTtichandriha ^ p. 348, 

110*. Apastamba Smriti, Chap. X; Atrisamhita, vv, 220-3. 

111,.. Elliot I, p, 193. , 112.„ Ibo Batuta, p. 256. 

113. Travels of Tavernier^ p, 440. 


293 ': 

of our period. Pandharpur was a centre of Vishnu worship 
in the !3th century as noted already, but whether it had thea 
' become a centre of Bhakti movement we do not know* It is 
not unlikely that Jnanadeva may have had several' prede'-- 
cessors, now lost into oblivion, who may have popularised: 
the gospel of Bhakti among the masses by vernacular poetry^; 
earlier than his time. But ' whether any advocates of that- 
movement existed in the Deccan of our period is very doubtfiii: ' 

' The theories of heaven ^^i^hell, retribution and rebirth 
■ make their appearance almost everywhere in the epigraphicai' 
records of our period, and no chapter and verse need be 
quoted to prove their general prevalence. Many of the kings 
of our period claim credit for having restored the Dharma as 
it existed in the Krta age; this statement would show that 
the theory of the progressively degenerating cycles of the 
yugas or ages was well established in our period. 

A verse occurring in the Manu Smriti and several other 
works states that tapas or austerities was the order of the day 
in the Krta age, quest of knowledge or truth in the Treta, 
sacrifices in the Dvapara and charity in the An exa- 

mination of the data belonging to our period shows that this 
%’erse represents the realities of the situation at least as far as 
our age is concerned. Austerities were not unknown to our j 
period; Sulaiman refers to many ascetics that used to mor- 
tify the flesh in a variety of ways in the 9th century Deccan. ^ ^ 

The quest after the truth or knowledge was also fairly seri- 
ous as the new philosophical activity which commenced with 
S'ankara shows. The STauta sacrifices had practically dis- 
appeared and their place was taken by the Smarta ones. The 
average man of our age, however, believed in the efficacy of 
charity for the securing of religious merit. A verse in the 
Kalas-Budruk plates, dated 1026 A. says that 

neither learning nor wealth produce so much merit as 

115. Elliot, I p. 6. , 116. I A., XVI I, p/127. 

114. 186. 

-;i t 


chanty. ihe girt or a piece oi land was regarded as 
■:tiie most meritorious, the reason, ■ as: it is .given in an 
eentury record/^ being that all wealth was. really, produced': 
from land. The close connection between the Smriti writers' 
and, the composers of the epigraphical .records of our a'ge is"'' 
■shown by the fact that most of the benedictory and impreca- 
tory stanzas in our grants are borrowed from the . contempo-'^ 
rary Smritis and Puranas, or vice versa. The verse quoted in 
the previous foot-note has been attributed to 
by Hemadri.^^^®^ Brhaspali Smriti verses 26, 28, 30, 32, 33, 
39 8: 17 correspond to the wrell known verses beginning with 

■nt mmm ■ ^ i ""and 

1 respectively which occur in many of the 
grants of our period, Hemadri attributes most of the above 
verses to various Puranas/^^*’^ It is, therefore, clear that 
persons who drafted our epigraphical charters were close 
students of Puranas and Smritis. 

The influence of these works on our age is also proved 
by an analysis of the objects given in charity, and of the 
occasions vAien they were given. Hiranyagcnhhadana, which 
was given by Dantidurga at Ujjain, has been prescribed by 
the Matsyapurana;^^^^^ the gift of an ubhayatomukM cow i, e, a 
cow in the process of delivery, which was given by a courtesan 
at Pattadkal in c. 770 has been recommended by 

the Atri samkitaA^^^^ which asserts that the merit of such a 
gift is equal to the gift of the whole earth; Skandapuram adds 
that all considerations about the appropriateness of time are 
to be brushed aside when it is the question of making such a 

117 . \ 

118. Dauakhauda. p- 509, 119. pp. 494-510. 

120, Chapter, 274 - 121. h A., Xl. p. 125. 122. V. 333. 


Dantidiirga/^“"> Indra and Govinda 

are knopvn to have given the tulapnrushadana ( f, e. the gift of 
that ^:jh quantity of gold which is equivalent to one*s own. 
weight,) which has been prescribed in the Matsyapamm^^-'-: 
■and the of .Hemadri. 

Most of the occasions on which our grants were made- 
are those ’^hich have been regarded as particularly sacred 
by the Smriti and Purana literature of our age. Many of our 
grants have been given on. the days, of the monthly samkraniis,' 

: the sanctit^r of , which has been recognised by ' .L<2,^AK-Sa^a/a|&a.' 

Uttarayana and Dakshinayana days on which some 
of our grants were given were of course regarded as parti- 
cularly sacred ; some of the Ratla records^^^‘^ show that even 
the Jains regarded these days as specially holy for such, 
purposes. The belief in the sanctity of the days of the equi- 
nox, which is attested to by the Viddhavasishtha 
is seen reflected in the Antroli-Chharoli record, which 
mentions a gift made on the day of the autumnal equinox. 

The sanctity of Kapilashashthl is attested to by the Mangoli 
inscription wdiich records numerous donations made on 
that rare parmn. The College at Salotgi got extensive gifts 
on a sarvapitr-amavasya day^^®^^ and the Nadwadinge grant 
of Krshna was made on the auspicious occasion of 

a siddhiyoga. The tulapurasha gift of Dantidurga was given 
on the day of the rathmaptarm^ which is declared to be a 

123. Quoted by Hemadri, Danakhanda^ p. 82. 

124. SamaDgad plates, I. A,, XI, p. III. 

125. Begumra plates, E. 1., IX, p. 24. 126. E. U, VII, p. 30. 

127. Cbap. 274. 128. p. 212. 129. V, 147. 

130. gr., Dantivarman's grant. E. I., VI, p. 287 ; Mulgund grant;; 
Ibid, p. 260. 131. J. B. B. R. A. 5.. X. pp, 237 ff. 

132. Quoted by Hemadri, Ddnuklianda, p. 72. 

133. J. B. B. R. A. S.. XVI, pp. 112 H. 

134. E. L. V, p. 23. 135, E. IV, p. 335. 

136. I. A., Xn. p. 112. 



! ? 

* partic-dlai'iy holy day in the Bhavishyapurana and thde Kasi 

I Khania oi the Skatnlapttrana^^^'''\ The Torhhede j.aiJ'ant of 

I Govinda was given on the occasion of a vijaya<^°^taml 

I and the charity given on this d|iy is described in the BhadM^a- 

' as hundredfold efficacious. This Purana des- 

^ cribes vijaya saptaml as a name given to the 7th day of the 

ji bright half of a fortnight, if it falls on a Sunday and is pre- 

sided over by a lunar mansion consisting of five stars. It is a 
i pity that our inscription should not have specified the week 

i day and its lunar mansion, so that we could have verified the 

i statement of the Bhavishy a Parana about the vijaya saptaml 

\ The Baroda plates of Dhruva record a grant made on 

I the day of the Mahahartikiparvan, which is described by the 

* Brahmapurana as that full moon day of Kartika which is 

Ipresided over by the lunar mansion RohinI; this is described 
bs a particularly holy day by that Purana. Kapadwanj 

plates of Krshna II record a grant given on a maha-vaishakhi 

I day. Atri-Smrti describes Vaishakha full moon day ^ as 

particularly holy and suitable for making donations;”"’ I 
am, however, unable to find which particular full Vaishakha 
moon day was regarded as Maha-Vaishakhi day. The 
' Karhad plates of Krshna lll”^®’ were issued on the 

13lh day of the dark half of the month of Phalguna, which 
has been described as a Varuniii day; an apapurana 
i states that this day is called Varuni, if it is presided over by 

1 the lunar mansion S'atataraks, mahavarani if the week day is 

i: Saturday, and mahSmaJiavaranl if there is also an auspicious 

i yoga on that day. It may be pointed out that the week day 

137. Quoted in the Nirmsasindhu, p. 162. 138. E. L, III, p. 54. 

139. Quoted by Hemadri, Danakhanda, p. 63. 

140. 1. A.. XIV, p. 200. 

141. Quoted by HemSdri, Danakhan^, p. 65. 

142. VI. 7. 143. E. I;, IV. p. 260. ^ g 

144. Quoted in the Tithitatm as quoted by the S'abdakalpadruma, 


on which the Varuni day of 939 A.D. feli was not Saturday 
but Wednesday and our record describes the panan as a 
simple Varupi day, and refrains from describing it as a 
maha or mahamahaoUrani day. The close connection that we 
thus find between the epigraphical records and the Smriti. 
Parana and Nibandha literature would fully justify our proce* 
dure in some places in this chapter to fill the gaps in the 
epigraphical records by the information supplied by these 

The theory of charity being the most effective means of 
securing religious merit was no doubt in ascendency in our 
age, but it may be added that Brahmanas alone did not 
benefit by it. Part of the money spent on temples wasj 
utilised for poor relief as already shown. Part of it went to 
maintain schools and colleges as will be shown in Chap. XVI.-' 
It will be also shown there that the brahmadeya grants alsd 
served the same purpose to a great extent. Part of the 
charity of the age was definitely and avowedly diverted for 
the purpose of public works. The Smritis of our period 
lay down that men acquire the merit of ishtapnrta by provid- 
ing funds for public works like tanks, wells, gardens, temples, 
hospitals, poor houses, schools etc., and there are numerous 
records belonging to our period which show that the teachings 
of these Smritis did not fall on deaf ears. A tank at Nargund 
in Dharwar district was constructed and maintained by the 
donation of a private individual, and by the voluntaiy con- 
tributions which the inhabitants had agreed to pay for its 
maintenance on occasions like marriage, npanayana''^^^^ etc. 
The College at Salotgi was also maintained by a princely 
gift of a local potentate and voluntary contributions of its 
citizens. When the hall of this College needed 
overhauling, it was rebuilt also by a private individual. 

14S. E. g., Yama. 1, 69-70. 146. I. A., Xll, p, 224 

147, E. I.. IV, p, 61. 



The Shikarpur inscription No. 284, belonging to the time of 
Kvshna II. records the construction of a tank and 

temple by a private individual, who also granted a piece of 
land to maintain them. Soraadeva, a contemporarj-’ Jain 
writer from Karnatak, boldly departs from the traditional 
view, which is veiy rarely the case with him. and declares 
that the endowments of feeding and drinking houses, and the 
erection of temples and rest houses was the most important 
duty of the Vaishyas or the moneyed classes. The theory 
and practice of our age, therefore, show that the doctrine 
that charity was the best means of securing religious merit 
was not entirely and exclusively for the benefit of the 
Brabmanas; the community as a whole also benefited by it. 

It was during our period that Hinduism came into con- 
Vact with Mahomedanism both in the south and in the north, 
'In Sindh hundreds of women were forcibly ravished and 

Ithousands of men were converted during our period- Many 
Mahomedan travellers had come and settled down in the 
ports of western India where, as we have seen already, mos* 
ques had begun to raise their heads. What was the attitude 
of Hinduism towards the problem of reconversion of those 
who were forcibly converted ? Devala Smriti, which was 
composed in Sindh after its conquest by the Muslims, is 
essentially a Smriti composed for prescribing the rules for 
reconversion; it permits reconversion of forcibly converted men 
within a period of 20 years. Anotiier Smriti writer of our 
age, Brhadyama'i®'” lays down the general principle that a 
suitable prayas chiita should be prescribed for such persons- 
With reference to women forcibly ravished by the Mlech- 
chhas, a number of Smritis of our period^^^’ lay down 
that such unfortunate ladies should be readmitted into theie 
families after a suitable penitential ceremony, even if the 
ravishment had resulted in conception. 

l4Si E. C. VIL H9. MUvakyamrta, VII. S3: 


How far these theories were accepted by the society of 
our period is the question which the historian has to answer^ 
There is evidence to show that the Hinduism of our period wasl 
not so conservative or short-sighted as the present da^* 
Hinduism, and was prepared to follow in practice the gospel 
of reconversion which was recommended to it by its thinking 
sages. A specific case of reconversion has been mentioned by 
AI' : U Nawas Shah was one of the Indian ruIerS' who 

■had been established by Mahmud of Ghazni as a governor of 
some of the districts conquered- by him, in reward, for his ■ 
embracing the Islam* Al ’Utbi proceeds to narrate : — ‘The 
Satan had got the better of Nawas Shah, for he was again 
apostatizing towards the pit of plural worship, had thrown off 
the slough of Islam and held conversations with the chiefs of 
idolatry, respecting the casting off the firm rope of religion 
from hi?.tieck So the Saltan went swifter than the wind.** 
and turned Nawas Shah out of his government, took posses- 
sion of his treasures This account given by a Muslim 
himself clearly proves that Nawas Shah repented of his con- 
duct and was making arrangements for his reconversion w^hich 
enraged Mahmud. Al *Utbi does not state whether Nawas 
Shah was actually converted back into Hinduism, but since 
he was so summarily dealt with by Mahmud, it is almost 
certain that the reconversion was not merely planned but 
actually carried out 

Muslim writers themselves supply further evidence to 
show that reconversions on a mass scale used to take place in 
the 8th and 9th centuries, Al Biladuri, while describing the 
general condition of the Muslim power and religion in India 
towards the end of the 8th century, says that the Muslims, 
were by that, time compelled to retire from several parts of 
India and that the people of India , had returned to idolatry' 

150. Vv. 5^6. 151. E. (7., 200-202 ; Devala, 36 ff. 

152. Elliot. lU pp. 32-33. 


153. Ibid, I, p. 126. 

154, Sulaiman says ttat the Gurjara*Pratiharas were the greatest 
enemies of the Muslim religion, ( Hindi tran. p. 52 ) It is possible 
that the emperors of this dynasty may have actively helped the 
movement of reconversion hy extending state help to it. ' 


iregain It would thus appear that the growing notions 

W excessive purity' were responsible for the disappearance 
of reconversion; it was very probably first given up by 'the 
Brahnianas, and the rest of the castes may have soon followed 

As to social relations between the Muslims and the 
Hindus, Alberuni informs us th at no d rinking or eating with 

a Mlechchha^ was permitted in J ai^ time. the 14th 

' century Malabarj ' -Muslims were not allowed to, enter Hindu 
.Louses. ^ There is no evidence ■■ as to the social relations 
between the two communities in the ports on western India 
during our period; as already pointed out, the Muslims in the 
Deccan during our period were using Indian dress and 
language. It is. therefore, perhaps likely that there may 

not have been too much exclusiveness during our period at 
least in the Deccan. During the 14th century, even in the 
distant Malabar and Bengal the Hindus had begun to worship 
Muslim Pirs and Shaikhs; one cannot be, therefore, sure 
that the mosques in the ports on western India had no 
Hindu worshippers. 


As stated already. Buddhism was losing ground rapidly 
in the Deccan of our period. The spread and popularity 
of Jainism may have been partly at its cost; tradition 
‘says that Akalanka, a Jain teacher of Sravan Belgol, defeated 
the Buddhists in c. 780 in a discussion held in the presence of 
king Hemasitala of Kanchi and that the prince was converted 
to Jainism and the Buddhists were exiled to Candy. 

The scene of victory is stated to be Kanchi but Akalanka 
belonged to the Jain establishment of Sravan Belgol, which 
was situated in the heart of Karnatak; the scholastic and 
^5, Sachaxi, 11, pp. 162-3. 156. Sachau, I, pp, 19-20. 

t57. Ibn Batuta, p. 231. 158. Elliot. I. 39. 

.159. Ibn Batuta. p. 268. 160. I. A.. VII, r. 25. 



missionary activities of the Jains of that centre may have 
proved detrimental to Buddhist interests in Karnatak and 
Maharashtra. as. well. ■ . . 

Three Buddhist establishm..ents are. so- far known- to have-' 
flourished in our period, one at Kanheri near Bombay, the 
second at Kampilya in Sholapur district » and, the third -at^' 
Dambal in Dharwar district. Three inscriptions belonging 
to the reign of Amoghavarsha attest to the existence of 
^Buddhist Sangha at Kanheri. Several records of the 
Andhra period^ preserved in these caves prove that 
Kanheri was a centre of Buddhism in that period. The 
inscriptions referred to above show that in our age also the 
place was a famous centre of Buddhism, for we find an 
inhabitant from distant Bengal constructing meditation halls 
and making permanent endowments for the benefit cf the 
monks of this Sangha. The endowment made provision, 
inter alia, for the purchase of books; it would, therefore, appear 
that the Sangha had a library, and perhaps a school, attached 
to it. It resembled in this respect the famous monastic 
university at Valabhi, where also there was a library, which 
often received grants for the purchase of books/^^^^ The- 
Shlahara administration, within whose immediate jurisdiction 
the Sangha was situated, did not look upon it with an hostile 
eye; for we find a premier of that state making an endow- 
ment, the interest of which was to be utilised for the purpose 
of supplying clothes to the monks. 

Dantivarman’s grant^^^^^ records the donation of a vil- 
lage to a Buddhist monastery at Kampailya. It is tempting 
to identify this Kampilya with the capital of southern Panchala, 
but it looks a little improbable that a monastery in southern 
Panchala should have been assigned a village in southern 

161. Xin, pp, 136 ff. 


'Giijrat. This monastery was probably situated in Kam'piL 
a village in Tuljapur Taluka of Sholapur district/ 

An inscription of the time of Vikramaditya VJ, d#dd 
1095-6 proves the existence of two Buddhist monas- 

teries at Dambal in Dharwar district. It is very likely that 
the antiquity of these establishments would go back at least 
to our, if not an earlier, period. There was a temple of 
the: Buddha and Tara at the place in- the 11th centu.rj?' and the 
description and importance of Tara, as- attested to by our 
record, would suggest that the . establishment' was a Maha- 
yana one. In the Mahayana system Tara was invoked for 
help in distress on land and sea and our inscription also 
shows that similar was the conception about that deity in the 
Deccan of our peried. Cf. : — 

The above are the only known centres of Buddhism in 
the Deccan of our period. It is, therefore, clear that the reli- 
gion had lost all hold on popular mind and was in the last 
stage of its decline. 


Our period was probably the most flourishing period in 
the history of Jainism in the Deccan. Soon after it 
Jainism received a set-back owing to rapid spread of the 
new Lingayat sect. In our period, however, the sect 

I65« l am indebtecl to the late Prof. R. D* Banerji for drawing my 
att«inlioii ttt this villagfe in SholapUr districl. 



had no serious militant rival and was - bashing in the 
sunshine of popular and royal favour.;. The. literary activity."' 
■ of the Jains was also remarkable in this age, and they seem 
to have taken an active part in the education of the masses.' 
That, before the beginning of the alphabet proper the children 
should be required to pay homage to Gai>es"a by reciting the. 
formula S'rJ Ganes'aya namah is natural in Hindu society, 
but that in the Deccan even to-day it should be followed 
by the Jain formula Om namassiddhehhyah shows, as 
Mr. C. V. Vaidya has pointed out, that the Jain teachers cf 
our age had so completely controlled the mass education that 
the Hindus continued to teach their children this originally 
Jain formula even after the decline of Jainism. The formula 
can of course be interpreted in a non-Jain sense as well, but 
it cannot be denied that originally it had a Jain significance. 

The way to the prosperity of Jainism in our period 
was already paved in the earlier age. Many of the Kadamba 
kings of the 5th and the 6th centuries were patrons of 
Jainism/ There are several spurious records at Laksh- 
mesvar^^^^’ really belonging to the 10th or 11th century »» 
purporting to record grants in favour of Jain establish- 
ments made by early Chalukya kings Vinayaditya, Vijaya- 
ditya, and Vikramaditya II. These kings must have been 
known to the tradition, at least as occasional patrons of 
Jainism; otherwise it is hardly possible to explain why these^ 
and no other kings, should have been selected as donors 
when the records were forged. Most of the Ganga kings of 
Talwad were either Jains or patrons of Jainism. Grants to 
Jain establishments made by Rachamalla have been found in 
Coorg,^^^^^ and when this king captured Valhmalai hill, he 
commemorated its conquest by erecting a Jain temple upon 
At Lakshmesvar there existed in our period buildings 


known as Raya-RSchamalla' Vdsati, Gania-Permadi-chaitya" 
laya, aad'Gmga-kandarpa-chaityamandiras^^^ The names 
of these ' edifices^ bear testimony to the patronage-of Jainism 
by the various members of the Ganga ruling, family, after 
whom ■ the buildings were named. Marasimha^ II ' was a 
staunch Jain; he was' a disciple of Ajilasena and, his firm 
faith' in his religion sustained him through the terrible ordeal 
of the 'Sallekhana vow whereby he terminated his life after 
■his abdication in c. 974 A.D. Marasimha s minister Chamunda- 
is the author of the Chamandapurana; it was he who 
set up the colossal image of Gemmates Vara at Sravana 
Beigoia, and his reputation as a patron and devotee of 
Jainism was so great, that he was regarded as one of the three 
special promoters of Jainism, the other two being Gangamja 
and Huila who were the ministers of the Hoysala kings 
Vishouvardhana and Marasimha I. In Nolambawadi the 
religion was prospering, we have a record from that province 
mentioning the gift of a village by a merchant who had 
purchased it"from the ruling king in order to bestow it upon the 
Jain monastery at Dharmapuri in Salem district. Among 
the Rashtrakuta emperors Amoghavarsha I was more a Jain 
than a Hindu. In his Parsvabhyudaya Jinasena calls 
himself as the chief preceptor ( paramagurn ) of that 
king who used to regard himself as purified by the 
mere remembrance of that holy saint Sarasangrahar 
a Jain mathematical work, also mentions that Amoghavarsha 
was a follower of the syadvada. Amoghavarsha’s offering 
one of his fingers to the Goddess Mahal akshmi, in order to 
exitricate his kingdom from an epedemic,^^’^^^ only shows that 
he worshipped some Hindu deities along with Mahavira. He 
seems to have taken an active interest in Jainism; some of the 

171. i. A., Vil, pp. 103-6. 172. E. L, X, p. 57. 

173. 1. A., Xn, pp. 216-8. 

174. Wintemitz, Geschichte^ HI, p. 575. 

175. E. I., XVHi, p. 248. 



Jain monasteries in Banavasi attribute, as my colleague the 
late Prof. R, D. Batierji- informed me, the authorship of some 
of their religious ritual to AmoghavarsLa. We have seen 
how Amoghavarsha I' had abdicated his throne more than 
once; that was probably ■ due to. his being a, sincere Jain, 
anxious to observe the vow of akinehanata (possession- 
icssness) at least for some time. This emperor had _appointed 
Gunabhadra, the author of the last five chapters of Adipuram, 
as the preceptor of his son Krshna the latter is 

known to have given a donation to a Jain temple at 
Mulgund. So, if not a full-fledged Jain, he was at least a 
patron of Jainism. The same observation may hold good of 
the next ruler Indra IH, for the Danavulapadu inscription 
records that the prosperous Nityavarsha i, e. Indra HI caused 
to be made a stone pedestal for the glorious bathing cere- 
mony of Arl|Ut S'anti* in order that his own desires may be 
fulfilled. The last of the Rashtrakutas, Indra !V, was a staunch 
Jain; when his efforts to regain his kingdom from Taila !I 
failed, he committed suicide by the sallekhana 

Many of the feudatories and officers of the Rashtrakutas 
were also Jains. Most of the Ratta rulers of Saundatti were 
followers of Jainism, as pointed out already. Bankeya* 
the Banavasi governor of Amoghavarsha I, was a Jain; he 
got the imperial sanction for the alienation of a village to a 
Jain establishment at his Capita!.^ Bankeya’s son Lokaditya 
is described by his preceptor Gunachandra as the propagator 
of the religion founded by Jina; and S'rivijaya, a general of 
Indra III, was a Jain and a patron of Jain literature. 

These are the kings* feudatories and officers of our 
period who are so far known to have been followers or patrons 
of Jainism. There may have been many more; for, as will be 

176. J. B. B. R. A. S.. XXII* p. 85. 177. Ibid, X, p. 192. 

178. A. S. R., 1905-6, pp. 121-2. 179. L A., XXHI. p. 124. 

180. A7ite, PP..272-3. 181. E. I., VI, p. 29, 


shown in Chapter XVI, our period produced a galaxy of Jain 
authors and preachers whose literally and missionary activities 
must have produced a considerable effect, helped as they 
were by royal patronage, ■ It is very probable that at least 
one third of the total population of the Deccan of our -period, 
■was folloW'ing the gospel of Mahavira. Rashid-ud-din states 
-on the authority of -Alberuni^'^^’^^ that the people of Konkan and ;, 
Thana were Samanis or Buddhists at the beginning -of -the,,, 
1 1-th oentury* -,A1, ,Idrisi calls -the king of, Naharvala i. 
Anaiiilapatana as a Buddhist, . whereas we -know deriniteiy 
that the king he' had in view was a Jain, not a Buddhist 
It is thus clear that the Muslims very often mistook Jainism 
for Buddhism and the above referred to statement of 
Rashidu-d-din may be taken to prove the prevalence of Jainism 
rather than Buddhism in parts of the Deccan during the 10th 
and the llth centuries. Subsequent to our period Jainism lost 
much -of its -ground by the rise of the Lingayat sect which 
grew partly at its cost. ■ ■ 

We can get a glimpse into the life of the Jain Mathas of 
our period from our records. From the records of the early 
Kadambas^^®*^^ we learn that the Jains used to stay in one 
place during the rainy season, at the end of which they used 

was paid by Megasthepes and Yuan Lhwang, Ai Idrisi 

The Indians are naturally inclined to justice and never 
depart from it in their actions. * Their good faith, honesty; ' 
and fidelity to their engagements are welknown and they are 

187. J. B. B. R. A. S., X. p. 237. 188. Elliot, I. p. 88, 


The Jain temples of our period had become replicas ■ .■of*', 
the Hindu temples. The' worship of Mahavira was just as. 
sumptuous and luxurious ''as that' of' Vishnu / or .'Siva. 
Spigraphicai records are seen making provision; for his 
an§abho§a and rangahhoga ymt as they do in the case , of the 
.Hindu deities. What a commentary on the doctrine of abso- 
lute akinchanata preached and practised by him ! 

Food and medicine were provided for in, the Jain, Mathas. 
and provision was also made for the teaching of the Jain 

The Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsha I and the 
Surat plates of Karkka (E. L, XXI) record grants made 
for Jain establishments. Both epigraphs, however, say that 
the grants were made, inter alia, for the purpose of halicharu’ 
iana^ vaisvadeva, and agnihotrai These are essentially 
Hindu rituals and one is surprised to find grants made to 
Jain temples and monasteries for the purpose of performing, 
them. It may be that during our period Hinduism and Jainism 
resembled each other more closely than is the case now, 
or the above expressions may have been introduced in these 
records by the oversight of the imperial secretariat. In the 
Konnur record, the expression is actually misplaced and,, 
therefore, the latter alternative seems to me more probable. 

The influence of religion is estimated by the result it 
produces upon character. What then was the general charac- 
ter of the people in our period ? It is gratifying to find that 
the Arab merchants of the age, in spite of their religious dif- 
ferences, pay as high a compliment to the Indian character as 
paid by Megasthepes and Yuan Chwang, Al Idrisi . 



so famous for these qualities that people flock to their coun“ 
try from every side; hence the country is flourishing, and their: 
condition prosperous/ The Marathas of Deogiri and 'Nan 
.durbar are described by Ibn Batuta^^®'^^ as upright, religious 
and trustworthy. The travellers whose testimonies have; 
been quoted above, belong to a slightly later period than ours.,, 
but , there is nothing improbable in their description holding, 
'..good, of our age, as well. 

' ^ It is very often asserted that the gospels of Ahimsa and 
Sanyasa,' that were, popularised* ■ by Jainism and Buddhism, 
have ultimately resulted in the enslavement, of India for. the 
last 1,000 years. Some events, that have happened in our 
period, seem to support this view. When Bajhra, the nephew 
of Dahir, was preparing to defend the fort of Swistan against 
Mahmud Kasim, all the Samanis (i. c., Buddhists) assembled 
and said to him: — * Our religion is one of peace and quiet and 
fighting and slaying is prohibited as well as all hinds of 
shedding of blood. You are secure in a lofty place, while 
we are open to the invasions of the enemy and liable to be 
slain and plundered as your subjects. We know that Mahmud 
Kasim holds a firman from Hajjaj to grant protection to ail 
those who demand it. We trust, therefore, that you deem it 
fit and reasonable that we make terms with him, for the 
Arabs are faithful and keep their engagements.’ It w'ould 
be, however, a mistake to suppose that the Buddhists of 
Sindh were emasculated by their religion. They no doubt 
said that their religion forbade them from slaughter and 
shedding of the blood, but that was merely for cloaking 
their cowardice. The rapid successes of Mahmud Kasim 
and the brutality with which he butchered all those who 
opposed him had unnerved the population of Sindh. The 
Buddhists of Swistan were using the tenets of their religion 
only as a convenient excuse in order to avoid the prospect of 

189. p. 228. 190. Elliot, i. p. 158.9. 



bcLng Injtchered or enslaved by the conqueror, 
noted that the Hindus of Brahtnanabad were 
and submissive, and the Brahmanac 
mean game of winnbg over the population 
conqueror, thereby bringing disj 
their ancestors, who had incited 
Alexander the Gfeat and paid the 
glorious offence of patriotism. 

It must be remembered that Jainism preaches the doc 
trine ot Ahimsa in a tiiore extreme form than Buddh; 
yet the history of the Deccan of our i., * 
no emasculating effect upon its followers 
early Kadamba king, though a 
of •war’ (ranapriya)^'^^^^ 

did not prevent him from offering a dreadful feast to the god 

of death on the battle-field of Vingavalli. Bankeya, the 
Banavasi viceroy of the same emperor, was a devout Iain and 
yet a most active, successful and skilful general. Indra III 
was at least a patron, and veiy probably a follower of 

Jainisrn; and so were his generals S'rivijaya and Narasimha. 

and yet th^ had fought several battles and overrun the 
whole of Central India and the Madhyade^a, in order to 
accomplish their ambitious plans of conquest. Narasimha II, 
who was such a staunch Jain as to die by the sallekhaJ 
vow. was yet the hem of a hundred battles. Most of his 
predecessors on the Ganga throne were Jains and were yet 

influence that go 

to form the character of a people. Christian gospels recom- 

R meekness as strongly as the Jain and 
Buddhist scriptures, and yet Christimi nations have been most 

191. Ibid. I, p, 184. 292. I A Vir 

m. XII, p. 250. ' 2 

It sboiild^ .fc' 
Equally meek 
IS among tbem played the 

1 to the side of the 

grace to the uiemoiy of 
the population against' 
extreme penally for the ' 


period shows that it had 
-.—s. Knshnavarma, an^ 

- had the title nf the lover 
The Jainism of Amoghavarsha i 


woryiy-minded and agressive. What ¥ary often happens is. 
that people seek to cover their own weakness and cowardice*,, 
which have been due to causes that have very little to do with 
religion, under the spe.cious name of religion and philosophy 
by distorting their teachings. In the face of the achievement^ 
of the Jain princes and generals of our period, we can hardly 
subscribe to the theory that Jainism and Buddhism were 
chiefly responsible for the military emasculation of the popu-^ 
lation' that led. to the fall of Hindu India. 


Social CcBclitiaii 

Most of the writers, who have attempted to describe the* 
social conditions and institutions in ancient India, have relied 
upon the evidence afforded by the Dharmas'astra literature. 
This evidence is undoubtedly very valuable; but since the 
dates of many of the Smriti writers are but very vaguely 
known, it is necessary to check and correlate it with epigra- 
phical facts and the accounts supplied by foreign travellers. 
Besides the Smritis have, to some extent, been written from 
a certain viewpoint which may not have been always shared 
by the majority of society. | In the following pages, the 
method above indicated, with which the reader of these pages- 
must be already familiar, will be followed. 

The most striking feature of the Hindu Society has been 
the caste system since very early times. To trace the history 
of this institution from its beginning is irrelevant for our 
present enquiry; we shall, therefore, try to ascertain its nature 
during our period. The usual theoretical number of the 
castes is four, but it is rather strange that Greek writers like 
Megasthenes and Strabo and Muslim writers like Ibn 
Khurdadba and AI Idrisi should concur in maintaining that 
their number was seven. The seven castes of the Muslim 



travellers are, liowever,^ not identical with the seven castes of 
the Greek ambassador : the latter does not enumerate any of^ 

: the : untouchables among^ his castes,- while the former . include- 
at least two among the ' depressed classes. Aiberuni, Iiow>- 
■ever, differs from the earlier Muslim travellers and maintains 
that there were sixteen castes, the four well-known ones, 
■five semi-untouchables and seven untouchables. ■ The actual 
number of the castes and sub-castes of our period was,- 
however, more than sixteen; the Smritis of our period mention 
several subcastes, . and according to Kalhana, who flourished 
in Kashmir in the 12th century, the number was 64,^^ ^ 

The seven castes mentioned by Ibn Khurdadba, who died 
in 912 A.D., are (l) Sabkufria (spelt as Sabakferya or Samhufrla 
according to some Mss), ( 2 ) Brahma, (3) Kalari 3 ?'a, ( 4 ) Sudariya, 
{ 5 ) Baisura, (6) Sandalia, and (7)Lahud.^^^ The seven castes 
of A1 Idrisi are practically identical with the seven ones men- 
tioned above, if slight variation in spelling is ignored/'"^' There 
is, however, one variation; the name of the 7th caste according 
to Ai Idrisi is Zakya and not Lahud as Ibn Khurdadba 
asserts. Both of them agree, however, in observing that the 
members of this caste were following the professions of the 
dancers, tumblers, and players. The order of enumeration 
of these castes is not according to their relative status or 
importance; for both mention the Vaishyas after the Sudras 
and the Lahud or Zakya caste, which comes last, seems 
certainly not lower in status than the Chandala one, which 
precedes it. 

It is quite clear from the details given by these xvriters 
that Brahma, Sudaria, Baisura, and Sandalia are the same 
as Brahmanas, Sudras, Vaishyas, and Chandalas. Katariyas, 
who could drink three cups of wine and whose daughters 
could be married by the Brahmanas, are obviously the same 
.as the Kshatriyas, Sabkufnyas or Sabakafreyas seem to stand I 

1. Vn!, 2407. 2. Elliot. 1. pp., 16-7. 3. Bfd:, p. 76. 



■for Sanskrit Satkshatriyas/^^ since we are told that they were 
superior to all the remaining castes and that the kings were 
chosen from among them. The distinction between the 
Katariyas and Sabkufrias or Satkshatriyas , seems, ■ similar tov 
the distinction between, the Kshatriyas and the Rajaoyas. of 
the earlier period ; the former constituted the general military 
order while the latter were the members of the aristocracy 
descended from the royal stock. This distinction between 
theTCshatriyas and Satkshatriyas.. reminds us of the, distinction ^ 
between the Sudras and Sachchhudras, though, the fomier is: 
not known to the .Dharmasastra literature. . 

The information of A Iberuni. about the caste system .iS' 
more detailed and interesting,, and though he was not like Ibn.'^ 

■ Khurdadba or Al Idrisi directly connected with the : Deccan ' 
we cannot pass over his account as the conditions in the 
south were not much different, from those prevailing , in the 
.north.. After mentioning the four principal castes A^iberuni 
■says: — 

* After the Sudras follow the people called Antyajas, 
who render various kinds of services and are not reckoned 
among the castes but only as members of a certain craft or 
profession. There are eight classes of them who freely inter- 
marry with each other, except the fuller { washerman ), shoe- 
maker, and weaver; for no others will condescend to have 
anything to do with them. These eight guilds are : — ■ 

(1) The fuller or washerman, 

(2) The shoemaker, 

(3) The juggler, 

(4) The basket and shield maker, 

(5) The sailor, 

4, Arabic letters ta and ha can be easily confounded in Mss, because 
the former differs from the latter only by the addition of two dots. The 
expressions Satkufriya and Satakafreya are fairly similar to the original 
Skt. form Satkskatriya, 

5* See p. 333. 



(6) The-fish^rnaan,: ' 

(7) The hunter. of wild, animals and birds, .and ; ; 

(s) The weaver.' . 

The four castes'. do.' not live with them in one and ..the' 
same place. These guilds, live near the ■ villages and' 'towns.,: 
of the four castes but just outside them. ' The- people ■ cailed: 
Had!, Domba, Chandala and ■ Badhatau ' are .not reckoned: 
among' any class or guild. They are occupied with dirty , 
work, like the cleansing of the villages and other services. 
They are considered as one sole class distinguished only by 
their occupations.* 

The above description of the Muslim writers raises seve» 
ra! interesting points, with reference to the position of the 
untouchables. Ibn Khurdadba and Al Idrisi mention only 
two untouchable castes, Sandalia and Lahud or Zakya, which 
correspond with the Chandala and the juggler classes of 
Alberuni. Were the remaining classes mentioned by Alber- 
uni as untouchables really so, and if so, why does he divide 
them into two groups ? 

After mentioning the eight varieties of the Antyajas, 
Alberuni expressly adds that all these classes lived near the 
towns or villages of the four castes, but outside them. It is there- 
fore clear that they were regarded as untouchables. It may 
be pointed out that some of the later Smritis like Angiras,''^^ 
Brihadyama,^^^ Atri,^^^ and Apastamba^^^b which discuss the 
problem and the treatment of the untouchables, pronounce 
most of these classes as untouchables. Washerman, shoe- 
maker, juggler, fisherman, Chandala, and basket-maker of 
Alberuni correspond to rajaka, charmakara, naia or s' ailashi - 
ka, kaivarta, chandala and venajivin of these Smriti writers. 
Since early times these were regarded as untouchables and 
till quite recently; washermen, shoemakers, fishermen, and 

6. I, pp. 101 ff, 7. Vv, 17, 20. 8. Chapters I and 0, 

9. Vv. 174, ff. 10. Chapters, IV and V. 



Chandalas because their professions were dirty, and jugglers 
and basketmakers, probably because these professions were 
the monopoly of the non-Aryan aborigines in the beginning.. 
One of the inscriptions on the Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore 
- provides, as we have seen, for the ■ enactment of a' certain:, 
drama at the time of the annual fair and states the salaries 
paid to the actors. A perusal of Sanskrit literature also shows, 
that the actors who enacted the dramas of Bhasa, Kalidasa, 
and Bhavabuti were- not regarded as' untouchables.. The' 
Natas, who are pronounced as : untouchables- by ■ the Smriti ■ 
writers, were not obviously the members of this ' class; ■ they 
were tumblers, jesters, and rope-dancers who are described 
as untouchables by the Muslim writers of our period. 

We have next to consider the case of the weaver, the sailor, 
and the hunter of wild animals and birds, who are included 
by Alberuni among the untouchables of the first group. 
From Manu^^^^ we learn that members of the Margava and 
Ayogava sub -castes, who were supposed to have sprung from 
pmff/omu unions, were assigned the professions of the sailor 
and the hunter ; that would explain why they were regarded 
as untouchables. The weaver, however, whom Alberuni 
regards as untouchable, is nowhere regarded as such in the 
Smriti literature, and if we follow Alberuni, we shall have to 
suppose that the famous weaving industry of ancient India 
was a monopoly in the hands of the untouchables. There is 
no evidence, however, to show that such was the case. 
According to Brhadyama Smriti it would appear that the 
Hindus of our period regarded it as sinful to touch a person 
who was dealing in red cloth and, according to Apastamba. 
Smriti, it was extremely undesirable to touch or wear blue.* 
cloth or colour. It would seem that notions like these were 
responsible for the theory that persons, who produce or deal 
in red or blue cloth, were impure. If Alberunfs information. 

•13. "-"Glsapter'.'-VL; 

IL X. 34, 48. 

12. 111,52. 



about the weavers being regarded as untouchabies is correct, 
we shall have to suppose, as the Smriti literature leads us 
to.- believe, that it, refers only to a section of . that .class-" 
engaged in producing red or - blue cloth which was losing 
-in the estimation of- the orthdoxy. It may be pointed out. 
that at present the tailors are divided in Maharashtra into two- ' 
.castes;, the members of one caste are called Shimpis (ordinary- ■ 
tailors) and those of the other Nili Shimpis (i, e. tailors 
dealing with blue cloth). The latter are held by the former 
in low estimation, and no interdining or intermarriages are 
possible between the members of these two sub-castes. It is 
clear that the Nili Shimpis are regarded as degraded because 
they had not tabooed blue cloth tailoring in middle ages. 
It is possible that weavers also in our period may have formed 
two similar classes. It is, however, difficult to say whether the 
section dealing with the manufacture of red and blue cloth 
was actually regarded as untouchable, as Alberuni would 
have us believe, or whether it was merely held in lower 
estimation. The probability seems to be that the latter was 
the case. 

Hadi, Domba, and Badhatau now remain to be con- 
sidered. What section of the untouchables is called Hadi by 
Alberuni is not clear ; he tells us that of all the classes 
below the castes, the Hadis are the best spoken of, because 
they keep themselves free from everything unclean, though 
their work was the cleansing of the villages etc. That the 
Dombas were regarded as untouchable is proved also by the 
Rajatarangini ; King Chakravarman went outside the court 
hall when he had to see a troop of Domba dancers. It is 
true that he subsequently began to share his bed with some 
of the Domba dancing girls, but he was all along conscious 
of having committed a grievous sin thereby. The term 
Badhatau of Alberuni is an apahhransa of mdhaka or the, 
14. V. 354. 



cKecationer, who is untouchable even according to the Dhar- 
:■ raasastra literature,^ 

The distinction which Alberuni draws between the eight 
untouchables of the first group* and the four ones of the second 
one* is' unknown ' to the Smriti literature, ' Alberuni himself ■ 
' says that the shoemaker, washerman, and weaver were re-' 
■garded as lower than themselves by the rest of the untouch-” 

■ ables^^'^ group, who; while intermarrying among 

■ ' themselves, would have nothing to do with the ■members of 

■ diese classes. It' would be, therefore, clear that all the 
, Antyajas were not on the same level in our age; the^ juggler, 
basketmaker, sailor, fisherman, and hunter seem to have 
constituted in our period a class of semi-untouchables. The 
reason why Alberuni separates the Chandala, Domba, Hadi 
and Badhatau from the Antyajas of the first group seems to 
be that these latter had no guild organisations of their own, 
like the Antyajas of the first group. This inference is 
supported by the fact that he refers to the Antyajas of the 
first group as castes or guilds and adds that the Antyajas of 
the second group were not reckoned among any such castes 
dr guilds. 

Our epigraphical records and foreign travellers do not 
enable us to realise the intensity of the notion of untouchability 
of our period, Kalhana’s chronicle, however, throws a flood 
of light on the actual condition during our period, and since 
the Kashmirian historian is supported by the Smriti literature, 
we may well assume that similar notions prevailed in the 
contemporary Deccan as well. The feeling of untouchability 
was so deep-rooted that we find a Chandala sweeper refrain- 
ing from touching a foundling on the road, lest it should be 
polluted, and requesting a Sudra lady to pick and rear it up, 

The untouchables could not enter the audience hall ; the 
kings used to see them in the outer courtyard when necessary 

15. RHjatarangi^l, V, 77, 



as clid Cliandravarman when he had to hear a shoemaker's. 
. complaint/^^^ ' Even conversation with, the tmtouGhahles was 
.. ' regarded as.' polluting by some sections of the,, society; when'^ 
Chandrapida began to talk with the shoemaker* the courtiers., 
became agitated, which led the latter to enquire whether he: 
was inferior even to a dog. 

. ' Let' us now discuss the position of ' the ' . higher castes.';; 
Ibn Khurdadba and A1 Idrisi, who were acquainted with the 
conditions prevailing on the western coast, observe that the 
members of the remaining six castes, Brahmanas included, 
paid homage to the members of the Sabfukriya caste from 
among whom kings were selected. This would support 
the contention of the Jains and the Buddhists that the 
Kshatriyas were superior to the Brahmanas and not vice 
versa. It must be, however, noted that the Sabkufrla caste 
is distinguished by these Muslim writers from the Katariya 
or the Kshatriya caste and that their testimony would, there- 
fore, show that not all the Kshatriyas but only the Sat- 
Kshatriyas, z. e. the actual princes and their descendants, 
were held superior to the Brahmanas and reverenced by 
them. And this is quite natural; for, the actual rulers and their 
descendants, who in many cases in our period were not even 
Kshatriyas, must have been obviously treated with respect by 
the Brahmanas. The average Kshatriya, however^ did not 
enjoy a status superior to that of an average Brahmana, for 
from the Chachamma we learn that the principal, 
inhabitants of Brahmanabad supported the contention of the 
Brahmanas that they were superior to the rest of the popula- 
tion. Kassim accordingly maintained their dignity and 
passed orders confirming their preeminence. 

The Brahmana community of our period followed a 
number of professions, besides those that were theoretically 
permitted to it. A section of course followed the scriptural 

16, iV. 62, 17. Ibid, lY, 67. 

18. Elliotf I, p. 16 and p. 76. 19. Ibid, p. 183, 



duties; A1 Idrisi describes Bmhmanas as dressed in tbe 
skins of tigers and other animals and addressing crowds 
around them about God and His nature/^^^ Our epigraphical 
records also make it clear that some of them were maintain- 
ing the , sacred fires and performing the various Smarta 
sacrifices prescribed for them. According to Alberuni/^^^ 
-these:' ■ Brahmanas , were called istins. Many others , were: 
■discharging, as will be -shown in. chapter XVI,' their scriptural 
duty of teaching and conducting . schools and colleges, 
where they used to impart education without stipulating for 
any fees. Jurists, astrologers, mathematicians, poets , and: 
philosophers were, as Abu Zaid informs us, mostly members 
of this class. Administrative civil posts seem to have been 
largely filled from among the Brahmanas; the Chachanama 
informs us that Kassim appointed Brahmins to hereditary 
administrative posts following the practice of his predecessors; 
it is also shown already how many of the ministers and 
officers of the Rashtrakutas were Brahmins by caste. From 
1-tsing^^^^ also we learn that towards the end of the 7th 
century A.D. the scholars of the Valabhi university used to 
proceed to the royal courts after their education was over 
in order to show their abilities and talents with a view to be 
appointed to practical government. These scholars, we are 
told by I-tsing, used to receive grants of land or government 
service. We may presume that the scholars trained at the 
famous centres of education in the Deccan like Kalas, Man* 
goli, Salotgi etc., may have received similar treatment from 
the Rashtrakuta emperors and their feudatories. Government 
service was largely manned from among the Brahmanas even 
during the Maur^’-an period, as the testimony of ..Megasthenes 
shows/^^^ Smriti writers no doubt say that Brahmanas 
should not take up service, but they had probably non-govern- 
20, Ibid^ p. 76. 21. Sachau, I, p. 102. 

22. Elliot. I. p. 6. 23. p. 176, 

-24. Maccrindle, Megasthenes^ pp. 47-"48, 



iiient service in view when they made this statement; for; 
they themselves lay down that Brahmanas alone should be 
appointed as a rule to the ministry and the judicial 

The observation of S'ankaracharya/^^^ a contemporary 
. writer, that the castes were no longer following their prescribed' " 
duties and functions is supported by historic evidence. It has 
been already shown how some of the Brahmanas of our period 
were enlisting in the army both as privates and captains. 
From Alberuni^^®^ we learn that some of the Brahmanas in 
the 11 th century were trying their fortunes in the trades of 
clothes and betel nuts, while others preferred to trade indi- 
rectlj^ by employing a Vaishya to do the actual business for 
them. These last mentioned Brahmanas were following the 
advice of Gautama-Dharma-Sutra which lays down that 
Brahmanas may live upon agriculture, trade etc., if they 
apppoint agents to carry on the business/^^^ According to 
Manu* a doctor was never to be invited for a dinner in cele ' 
bration of a havya or kavya ritual; but from Arabian travellers 
we learn that the physicians were honoured equally with 
learned men, and we find a Brahmana physician among the 
donees of an agrahara village given by a Pallava king in the 
8th century. This would show that the medical profession 
was not treated with contempt by the society, as the Smriti 
writers would make us believe. Its disparagement by Manu 
and others is probably due to their theory that medicine was 
the profession of a mixed caste called Ambasht.ha, a view 
which does not seem to have been founded on the actual 
state of affairs in the society. Puritanical notions of purity 
may also have been partly responsible for the ban placed on 
the doctor at the Sraddha dinner. 

25. Manu, VII, 37. 58; Vlil, 20, 

26 . i 

?, 27. Ante, pp, 249-50. 

28. n, 132. 29. X. 5 and 6. 30. L, A. VIIl, p. 277*^ 



Trade, agriculture, banking, fighting etc., were permitted 
to Brahmanas only in times of difficulties by earlier writers 
on the Dharmasastra, As time began to roll on, these be* 
came quite^ normal avocations for the first caste. ■ ' We there- ^ 
fore find the Smritis of our period boldly withdrawing : :the‘^ 
ban on-ihese professions and permitting them to the 'BTahma- 
/nas.' - 'Banking ( praised as an^ ideal- pro- 

• fession for-the' Brahmanas by Brihaspati^®^^ and the- -same, 
writer along with Harita, Parasara and the author of Knrma-' 
jDara/2£i boldly differs from Manu in declaring that agricui- 
ture could be followed as a normal profession by the 
Brahmanas/^^^ Apastamha also declares that 

agriculture, cattle breeding etc., were necessary and normal 
avocations for the Brahmanas and not their Apaddharmas, 
Exemption from taxation and the capital punishment are 
two of the main privileges claimed for the Brahmanas by the 
Smritis and the Puranas. It must be, however, noted that 
it is only for the SVotriya or the learned Brahmana that these 
privileges “were originally claimed; the S^anti Parvan expressly 
states that the Brahmanas, who followed trade and industry, 
were to be fully taxed. It is quite clear from the numerous 
Rashtrakuta charters that the donees of the Brakmadeya 
grants, who were as a rule learned Brahmanas, used to receive 
all the taxes payable by the inhabitants to the king; they 
themselves had to pay nothing to the latter. But whether 
ordinary Brahmanas of our period enjoyed similar exemption 
from taxation is extremely doubtful. The Tuppad Kurahatti 
inscription of Kyshnalll,^^*^^ the Honawad inscription of Some- 
svara^^®^ and numerous Chola records make it quite clear 
that even lands granted to temples by kings were not entirely 
exempted by them from the Government taxation; a quit rent, 

31. As quoted in the Smrti ChaTidrika AohSrakSnda, p. 473. 

32. i6fd!. 454. 33. Chap. 76 v. 22. 

34. E. 1,. XIV, p. 366. 35. 1. A.. XIX. p. 272. 



sometimes as high as 50 per cent of the normal demand, was 
charged. If Devade^a grants were thus not exempted from 
taxation, it is extremely unlikely that ordinaiy Brahmanas 
following a number of secular* professions, could have enjoyed 
in our period complete exemption from taxation. Somadeva, 
a contemporary writer, lays down that when the king had 
to make a capital levy in order to tide over a difficulty, 
he could take a portion of the property of Brahmanas and 
temples, taking the only precaution that money absolutely 
necessary for the performance of the sacrifices and worship 
was left with them. This again would suggest that not 
all the Brahmanas could have enjoyed complete exemption 
from taxation in our period* There is no epigraphical evidence 
to support such a general claim. An inscription from Gujarat, 
dated 1230 A. no doubt says that king Somasimha had 
exempted Brahmanas from taxation. But this statement is 
.made in the course of that king’s eulogy, and may not be 
more reliable than the assertion, immediately following, that 
he had defeated a host of enemies. It is further mot clear 
whether all the Brahmanas or only a section of them was 
exempted from taxation. 

There existed in our period, as in earlier ones, a number 
of learned and pious Brahmanas who were given grants of 
land or money in recognition of their erudition and public 
service in educating students without any stipulation for 
fees. These seem to have been exempted from taxation as 
far as the lands that were assigned to them were concerned. 
This reality in the body politic is reflected in the Dharmasas- 
tra literature when it lays down that a S'rotriya or learned 
Brahmana was not to be taxed. 

Exemption from the capital punishment is another privi- 
lege claimed for the Brahmanas by a number of Smritis, and 

36. NUivakgamHa^ XXJ, 14. 

37. CL i e. i., viil p* 2il 



the claim is corroborated by Alberuni^^*^^ and Bouchet^^^^ 
from whom we learn that Brahmanas were not given the 
extreme penalty of the law in northern India in 'the IJth and 
the southern 'Indiain the i7th century. ' In ancient limes,:, the 
sin of Brahmahatya (the killing of a Brahmana) was regarded 
to be the mosi heinous one^ and it seems that the Hindu state 
tried to avoid it^ even if it was to result indirectly by way of 
judicial punishment, especially as it co^d achieve its objects 
'in another ' and, more effective way. Apastamha Dharma*. 

lays down that a- Brahmana was to' be blinded and 
banished for the offences that involved capital punishment for 
the other castes. That the advice of this Dharma-Sutra 
writer was followed in our period is proved by the statement 
of Alberuni that though the Brahmana was above the death 
sentence he could be banished and his property confiscated, 
and that if he was guilty of stealing a precious and costly 
article he was blinded and his right hand and left foot were 
cut off.^^^^ It may be pointed out that the sentence for the 
theft of a precious article referred to by Alberuni is not to be 
found in the Smriti literature. It would, therefore, appear 
that the Hindu state of our period normally refrained from 
inflicting the capital punishment on the Brahmana, probably 
because the alternative punishment permitted by the Dhar- 
masastra or custom was sufficiently deterrent. The life of a 
Brahmana blinded and banished or blinded and maimed in 
the right hand and the left foot was hardly better than a 
living death. We may, therefore, conclude that it must have 
been on rare occasions ^that the capital punishment was 
inflicted on the Brahmana during our period. That it was some- 
times inflicted is clear from the Artha&stra of Kautaly a where 
it is laid down^"^^^ that a Brahmana guilty of treason should 
be punished with drowning, and from the Rajataranginl^ 

38. Sachaw, L p, 162. 

40. IL 27, 16. 41. I, p. 162. 

39. J. R. A. S.. 1881 p.227. 
42. Book IV, Chap. ii. 


where we sometimes come across the cases of . , Brahmanas. 
■ being executed by haughty tyrants/^^^ But as against these- 
rare ■ cases of executions, we have ' several cases of even^ 
:tyrannical rulers' like Didda^^^ and Bhikshlichara^*^^^ :bemg': 
■"■compelled to accede to the requests of Brahmanas, because' 
they had threatened to commit suicide by -fasting. Here 
again ' the 'fear of the sin of Brahmahatya seems to have been.:,: 
working on the minds of the rulers, who yielded to the 
demands of the Brahmanas, who in many of the cases above 
referred to, it may be pointed out, were deputed by the 
oppressed subjects to get their grievances redressed through 
the threat of suicide by fasting. The privilege of immunity 
from taxation was conceded, as we have seen, only to the 
learned and pious Brahmanas; one cannot be, however, 
certain that the immunity from the capital punishment was 
similarly restricted. It is, however, clear that Brahmanas 
who had joined the army could not have claimed the privilege 
of avadhyafva, and it is not unlikely that others, who violated 
the scriptural rules by following a number of prohibited: 
professions, may have been treated as ordinary persons. 

Let us now proceed to consider the position of the Kshatri- 
yas. Those among them who were actual rulers or their 
relatives enjoyed the highest status in the land, as has been 
shown already. It is probably these, and not all the ordinary 
Kshatriyas, who enjoyed immunity from the capital punish- 
ment as reported by Alberuni. ^^^^ This privilege is not ex- 
tended to the Kshatriyas by the Dharmasastra literature, but 
since it is mentioned by Alberuni, who was a fairly close 
student of Sanskrit literature, we may presume that it was 
actually claimed by and conceded to the elite among the 
Kshatriyas. It may be further noted that according to the 

43. VIII, 1013, 2060. 44. VI. 307. 45. VIIJ, 908. 

46. See also Vli, 400. 773, VIO, 2076. 222^ for further cases of 
praifopaves' anas* , 47. Sachau, II, p. 162,. 


33 !;' 

testimony of Alberuni, a Kshatriya guilty of theft, was. 

■ m in the right hand and left foot and not blind* 

,'ed in addition like the Brahmana. It would thus' follow that, 
In actual practice the privileges of the Kshatriya were .by - 

■ no means less than those of the Brahmana, though they do;^ 
not all of them figure in -the Smriti literature. 

It may be noted that during our period, as in earlier limes, 
not all the fighters. were Kshatriyas and notall the Kshatriyas 
'■were fighters* ' The army consisted of a number of non- 
Ksliatriy as as 'pointed oiit in chapter XI!. ■ A number of- 
Kshatriyas alsO' must have taken to professions theoretically 
oot their own. In the 1 7th century such was the case, for • 
Travernier expressly states that the Rajputs were the fighters, 
whereas the remaining Khatris, Kshatriyas, had degene- 
rated from their ancestral military profession and taken to 
trade/^®^ This tendency may have very probably made its 
appearance during our period. 

Among the Indian kings who were Yuan Chwang’s con- 
temporaries and whose castes are mentioned by him, five were 
Kshatriyas, three Brahmanas. two Vaishyas, and two Sudras* 
It is therefore clear that kingship had ceased to be an exclusive 
monopoly of the Kshatriyas even earlier than our period. We 
can, therefore, well understand how the imaginary opponent: 
of Kumarila, who flourished just before our period, should 
have assumed the position that kingship and Kshatriyahood 
were not coextensive terms, since the members of all the 
four castes were to be seen ruling in contemporary times. 

Now let us consider the religious position of the Kshatri- 
yas, The queens and kings of earlier periods like Nayanika, 
Samudragupta, Prthvlshena, who were presumably Kshatri- 
yas, are known to have performed several Vedic sacrifices. 
In our period these sacrifices had become unpopular, as shown 
already in the last chapter ; so we do not find any kings 

48. Travels in India, pp, 387-8, 49. Tavtrav^rtika, oa II, 3. 3,. 



50. Sachau, II, p. 136 . 51 , 

w3, Sachau. I, p. |01,, 54 . 

celebrating them. The Kshatriyas. however, were still per- 
mitted to study the Vedas, for Alberuni tells us that they 
could read and earn them in his times. He. however 

immediately adds:-' He (z. e. the Kshatriya) offers to the 

hre and acts according to the rules of the Puranas.’ All the 
Hindus of our period were following the Puranic rather than 

Vedic rules and ntuals, as shown in the last chapter. It is 
however, not unlikely that Alberuni’s statement refers to the 

shatnyas performing their rituals and sacraments with the 
help of the Puranic rather than the Vedic Mantras. If so. it 
would follow that the Kshatriyas were rapidly going down to 
the position of the Vaishyas and Sudras, as far as the re 
hgious privileges were concerned. The absence of the 
mention of their gotras by the kings of our period in their 
copper-plate grants would also show that they were getting 
more and more dissociated from the orthodox Vedic at- 

The Vaishyas were losing their position among the Trai- 
vanjikas much earlier Aan our period. S'rikrishna enumer- 
cites them along with Sudras as persons who were backward 
OT suffering from religious disabilities. Baudhayana 

Dharma-Sutra Pomts out that the Vaishyas were practi- 
cally of the same status as the Sudras. as both were manning 
mdiscnminately and following similar professions like service 
Md tilling. In our period there was no very great difference 

beiwp the positions of these two castes, for Alberuni ex- 
pressly says so. He further informs us that^'''’’ if a Vaishva 
or Sudra was proved to have recited the Veda, his tongue 
was cut off. There are many clear indications in Alberuni’s 

works to show that he was well acquainted with the contents 
of the Dharmas-astra literature; if. therefore, he makes such a 
statement which goes directly against the rules of the Smritis 


on the point, the reason may be well presumed to be that the- 
position of the Vaishyas was actually reduced in practice to- 
that of the Sudras, in spite of the rules of the Smritis. It is,, 
therefore, certain that at the end of our period the Vaishyas. 
were levelled down to the position of the Sudras throughout 
the whole of India, To discuss the causes of this phenomenon 
.'is. beyond the scope of the present work. 

• The Smriti writers permit the. 'Vaishyas. to. follow the- 
military profession ' when in distress. A number of the Deccan 
guilds, of our period were maintaining their own militias, as.'- 
will be shown in chapter XV; even the Jains were among the-. 
martial races of the Deccan during our period, as has been 
«ihown in the last chapter. 17th century travellers like. 
Tavernier note that the Vaishyas would rather die than kill 
the smallest animal and had, therefore, no fighting value, 

The case, however, was entirely different in the Deccan of 
our period. 

The unanimous opinion of the Vedic and Smriti writers 
that the Sudras were not to be permitted to read the Vedas 
is supported by Aiberuni from whom it appears that the rule 
was actually enforced in practice. A number of later 
Smritis like Baijavapa/^'^^Jatukarjjya/®®^ Aus'anas, andLaghu- 
vishnu^'’^^ distinguish a pious Sudra {Sachchhudra ) from an 
ordinary one {Asachchkudra), and extend to the former the 
privilege of Sraddha^ Sanskaras and Pakayajnas* Somadeva, 
a Jain writer of the Deccan of our period, confirms the 
testimony of these Smritis when he observes that internal 
and external purity qualifies even a Sudra for spiritual duties 
connected with gods, Brahmanas, and ascetic life/'^^^ There 
is no epigraphical evidence to show that these privileges were 
actually enjoyed by the Sudras of our period, but it is not 

55. Travels in India^ p. 386. 56. 11, p. 136. 

57. Quoted in the Viramitrodaya^ Paridhasha, p. 135. 

58. V.50. 59. V. 105. 60. mtivdkydmrta, Vll, U, 


>. 62. Quoted in the Smrtichandrika A^hlrakanda p, 455 
.ernier. p. 328.^ 64 . p. 79 . ' ' ’ 

On Manu. VII, 40' 

I.. ^,p. 208. ' 67. I. A.. XI, p. 157. 

liljciy that the Brahmanical writers would have enunciated 
religious privileges not countenanced by the society. We 
rnay therefore, take it as certain that the respectable among 
the budras used to perform the S'raddhas, Sansharas, and 
other bmarta ntes throughout India, of course through the 
medium of the Brahmanas and with Pauranic Mantras. 

Much earlier than our period had the service of the 
twiceborn ceased to be the only profession of the Sudras. A 
mmber of Smriti writers like Brhadyama, Us'anas and 

Devab-»feWe wde. crafts w™ the 

ordinary and not the exceptional avocations of this caste. 

infantry was largely recruited from this 

casm and the same was the case in our period. The 

military career naturally brought the throne within the reach 

of the Sudra, and we have already seen how two of the 
kings ruling at the time of Yuan Chang were Sudras 
The theory that the Sudra could not own any property 
was a dead letter long before our period; Medhatithi. who 
llounshed in our period, declares that even a Chapc^la had 
proprietory rights and that his stolen property, when recovered, 
ought to be restored to him by the king. 

Our epigraphical records prove that during our period 
Brahmanas of one province were freely going to permanently 
Mttle in another. The donees of the Alas plates of Yuvamja 
Govinda'®®Und the Wani-Dindori plates of Govinda III«^> 
were immigrants from Vengi in Kalinga country, and since 
thy were assigned villages in Maharashtra, it is clear that they 
had permanently domiciled in that province. The donees of 
the Begumra plates of Indra IlT®> and the Sangli plates of 





'Govinda were immigrants respectively from Pataliputra 
-and Pundravardhana (in northern Bengal). It is, therefore, 
clear' that' provincial ' barriers of castes had not arisen, in: our: 
'period. Indra lll- and his religious advisers did^ not share the: 
'view of the that a Magadha Brahmana was 

not tO' be honoured even if ' he was. as learned as Brihaspatir 
for, in that case the donee of the Begumra plates would not 
'have '' been a Brahmana from Pataliputra. Nagamaiyai: the 
donee ' of the Cambay' plates- of Govinda waS' an 

'':immigrant from Kavi in Gujrat settled in Malkhed. It is 
obvious that the present-day prejudice in the Deccan, that a 
Brahmana from Gujrat is inferior to one from the Deccan, 
does not go back to our period; for Gujrat Brahmanas were 
settling down in Karnatak and were being honoured with 
brahmadeya grants. In no records of our period are the 
donees described as Gauda, Kanoji, Nagara or Dravida 
Brahmanas. In later records, however, such provincial 
denominations become the order of the day. Thus in Bahai 
(Khandesh district) inscription of the Yadava king Singhana, 
dated 1222 the composer of the grant describes 

himself as a Nagara -Jnatlya- Brahmana. Though the provin- 
cial castes had not arisen in our period, the way to their 
formation was being paved. Smritis like the Atrisamhifa 
were helping the fissiparous tendency by dubbing as worth- 
less the Brahmanas of certain provinces; their teachings had 
no effect on the Deccan of our period, but they were being 
gradually followed in the north in the 11th century. For, 
Alberuni notes that in his time it was regarded as sinful for a 
Brahmana to cross the Sindhu or the Ghambal and enter the 
territories beyond them.^*^^^ The time was, therefore, at hand 
when provincial barriers were to introduce further ramifica- 
tions in the caste system. 

70. I. 388. 7L E, I., Vn.p. 26. 
73. SacLau, II, pp. 134*5, 

69. I. A., XII, p, 248. 
72. E. L, III, p. 123. 



Let us now proceed to consider the attitude of our age 
towards the question of the intercasie marriages. These- 
marriages, if anuloma, have been permitted as legal by most 
of the Smriti writers, both old and new; the NUivakyamrta^ 
which was composed in the Deccan of our period, concurs 
with the Smritis. That they were once common in the 
Hindu society is proved by the rules oi ^ and 

partition,^'^^^ where detailed provisions are given as to the 
liabilities, duties, right* and privileges of the children born 
of intercaste analoma marriages These intercaste unions 
could not have been numerous, for society usually prefers 
marriage alliances with the equals. They, however, did 
exist and served the useful function of rendering the caste 
system flexible to a great degree. Historical examples can 
be cited to show that these intercaste marriages were actually 
taking place. The father of the famous Sanskrit poet Bana. 
had married a Sudra lady in addition to a Brahmana one; 
for in the 2nd Ulhasa of the Harshacharit Bana mentions a 
paras' ava brother {u e, a brother born of a Brahmana father 
and Sudra mother) of his, Chandrasena by name. Since 
Chandrasena was the first to report to Bana the arrival of the 
messenger from Harsha, it may be presumed that the Sudra 
and the Brahmam mothers and their children v/ere living 
together under the same roof* Baladitya, the last king of the 
Gonanda dynasty in Kashmir is known to have given his 
daughter in marriage to a Kayastha. The Jodhapur 
inscription of Pratihara Bauka concurs with the Ghatiyala 
inscription of Kakkula in stating that the founder of the 
house, Harischandra, had two wives, one of the Brahmana 

, 74. XXXI. 28. 

75. Baudhayana, as quoted by Haradatta at Gautama, 0, 5, 4, 

76. Gautama II, 3, 33; Vishnu, X etc. 

77. About 3 pages from the beginning of the UlhSisa, 

78. Bajatarahgirii, IV, 489. 


337 ’ 

and tke other of the Kshatriya Ghatothacha cave.' 

inscription of Hastibhoia, a minister of the Vakataka king' 
Devasena* informs us that Hastibhoja*s ancestor Brahmana 
Soma had married a Kshatriya iady ‘ in accordance with the 
precepts of the revelation and tradition. While most of 
the ancestors of Lokanatha, the grantor of the Tipperah; 
copper plates/^ (c. 650 A.0.) are described as good Brah- 
manas, his mother s father is called Parasava L e. sprung, 
from a Brahmana father and a Sudra mother. It is therefore.' 
clear that the father of this gentleman had at least two wives ^ 
one a Brahmaiji and the other Soidra Coming down to our 
own period, we find that Rajasekhara had married a Kshatriya 
lady, and she seems to have been his only wife. Ibn Khur- 
dadba writing about the state of affairs in western India 
during our periods states that the amloma intercaste marriages 
used to take, place. These marriages were, however, 
getting: more and more unpopular towards the end of our 
period. Alberuni, after laying down, the theoretical rule that 
amloma. intercaste marriages were permissible, adds that in 
his time the Brahmanas did not avail themselves of this 
liberty and were invariably marrying wanaea of their own 
caste only.^^®^ Sangramaraja,. an 11th century king of Kashmir 
had married his. sister to a Brahmana; the notions of decency 
of the 12th century historian Kalhana were outr^ed by this 
onion. The historian deplores that the king should have 
courted infamy by this intercaste marriage and exclaims,. 

‘ What a great disparity between the princess fit to be the 
consort only of a powerful king and the Brahmana bridegroom 
of small mind with his hand always wet with the libation 
water poured at the time of the receipt of gifts.’ It is. 

79. J. R. A., S.. 1894, p. 1 and 1895. p. 576, 

80. A. S. W. L, iV. p.;i40. 81. E. L, XV. p. 301. 

82p Elliot. !,,ppi 1'6. 83.. Ssmiiati, l;i, pp* 155-^6-. 



therefore fair to conclude that the intercaste anuloma 

■ marriages ceased to. take place soon after our periodt It is 
■- true that a Dutch clergyman of the 17th century, Abraham, 

■ Roger by name, observes that ' Brahmanas used to marry girls 
of 'all the four castes, though their marriages with Sudra girls 
'.were disapproved/*^^ Another 17th century European observer,, 
■Bernier, ■ however contradicts this statement , asserting , that 
the intermarriages between the four castes ’were forbidden/'’^ ^ 
Abraham Roger had lived in the southern presidency, and he 
had probably the Nambudri Brahmanas in vie^v when he 
refers to the unions of the Brahmanas with the girls of the 
lower castes. We may therefore conclude that Kalhana 
was the spokesman of the 12th century view and that soon 
thereafter the intercaste marriage became obsolete, 

A number of earlier writers like Gautama/* 
Apastamba/**^ and Baudhayana ( Dharma-Sutrakara 
permit freely intercaste dinners; the custom had begun to fall 
into disrepute in our period, for a number of later Smritis 
either restrict or condemn it Angiras^^®^ prohibits the dinner 
with a Sudra and permits one with a Kshatriya only ‘on days 
of religious festivity and with a Vaishya w’hen in distress/^ 
Yama and Vyasa^^^Meclare that a Brahmana should beg 
Cooked food only in the houses of the members of his own 
caste. That these writers faithfully reflect the feeling of our 
period, to which in all probability they belonged, is proved by 
the statement of Alberuni that a Brahmana was permanently 
expelled from his caste, if he was found guilty of having eaten 
the food of a Sudra for a certain number of days. Alberuni 
does not attest to the cessation of interdining among the three 

85. J. R. A. S., 1881, p. 221, .86. Travels in India, p. 325. 

87. Chap. XVn. 88. IL 3, 4. 89. H, 3. 14. 90. Vv, 55, 57. 

91. Quoted hy Haradatta at Gautama, III, 5, 8. 

92. Quoted by Smritichandrika Sanskarakdnda p. 109. 

93. Sachau, !I. p, 13. 



Mgher castes, but the Smritis of our period, as' ^hown above, 
had begun to frown upon the practice. The cessation of. the 
iniercaste marriages, and the difference in diet that soon mani- 
: fested' itself, were further making interdining impracticable^":: 
Brahmanas .of an earlier age were non -vegetarians, but from 
, Al Masudi and A1 Idrisi we learn that' in Western India they 
had become thorough vegetarians during our period. Kshatriyas 
on the other hand, were then as now non -vegetarians, and' were 
■besides, not total abstainers from wine like the Brahmaoas; . 
■ they were ■ permitted in theory three cups of wine/^^^ This 
disparity in diet and drink must have made interdining bet- 
ween the Brahmanas and the Kshatriyas an impracticable and, 
therefore, an unpopular practice. This difficulty need not 
have stood in the way of the intercaste dinners between the 
Vaishyas and the Brahmanas of the Deccan during our 
periods, for the influence of Jainism had weaned away a large 
mass of the traders and agriculturists from non -vegetaria- 
nism/^^’ But the Vaishyas had by this time degenerated to 
the position of the Sudras as shown already, and this fact 
was making interdining between them and the Brahmanas 

Let . us now consider the family system of our period* 
Joint families were the order of the day, but cases of separation 
in our period were not as rare as is sometimes supposed* 
Some of our records, which mention the specific shares of the 
cosharers of agrahara villages, prove that in many cases 
fathers and sons were living separately. In the Torkhede 
inscription of Govinda separate shares are assigned to 

two brothers showing that they were no longer members of a 
joint family. In the Cliikka-Bagevadi inscription, dated 1149 
A.D. Lalla and his brother Jajjuka were assigned different 

94. Eiiiot, I. pp. 16-7, 

95. Al Kaziwini has noted that most of the Hindus at Saimur were 
' "-vegetarians ;■' Elliot, . I,: p. 97, 

96* E. L. in. p. 54. 97. I. A., VH, p. 303. 



shares as aiso Naiva and his brother Gona. In the Bendegiri 
grant of Ki'shna, dated 1249 there are eight cases of 

brothers and two of sons being given separate shares from their 
brothers and fathers respectively. The Paiihan plates of 
Ramachandra, dated 1271 mention the case of a father 

living separately from his six sons, and four cases of brothers 
who were no longer following the joint family system. Epigra- 
phical evidence thus shows that though the Smritis had 
disapproved partition in the life-time of the father, such parti- 
tions were not rare in practice. Some of the above records do 
not strictly belong to our period, but they can be utilised to 
indicate the general state of affairs in our period as welh 
since nothing is known to have happened in the next two 
centuries to revolutionise the notions of the society in this 

A record from Managoli in Bijapur district* dated 1178 A.D.„ 
observes:-^* If any one in the village should die at Mamga- 
valli without sons, his wife, female children, divided 
parents, brothers and their children, and any kinsmen and 
relatives of the same Gotra who might survive, should take 
possession of all his property, i e. bipeds, quadrupeds, coins, 
grains, house and field. If none such should survive, the 
authorities of the village should take the property as Dharma- 
deya grant.' The record reveals the actual order of 
succession in the Deccan of the 12th century, and it is very 
probable that the same may have been the case in our period. 
It is noteworthy that this order of succession agrees sub- 

98. XIV. p. 69. 99. XIV, p. 315. 

100, The expression ' female children * is probably intended to 
include the daughters son. It may be pointed out that the text of 
Yajnavalkya also uses the word duhitaraschaiva only. VljnSnes'vara 
maintains that the particle cha is intended to denote the daughter’s son 
as well. Historically, the contention is justifiable, since l4ie daughter’s 
son was recognised as heir fairly early. 

101. E. L, V, p. 28, 


stantially with that given by Yajnavalkya and his commentator 
Vijnanesvata/^^^^ The inscription does not mention like 
Yajnavalkya the handhus> disciples, and fellow students 
•among the heirs; but it may be pointed out that the inscription 
was not intended to be a text- book in a law college, and its 
drafters may have, omitted disciples, fellow students etc., 
because the eases of property going to persons who- were not ■ 
■even sa^dms were very rare in practice. The- epigraphical^ 
evidence, therefore, shows that the theory of succession advo- 
cated by the Mitakshara school was- substantially based on 
the actual practice as it was prevalent in the Deccan. . - In 
contemporary Gujarat the law of succession was different; 
property of persons dying without sons used to escheat to the 
crown till the conversion of Kumarapala to Jainism. The credit 
■of permitting the widow to inherit her husband's property has 
been claimed for that king.^^^^^ That a widow in the Deccan 
■could inherit her husband’s property is made further clear 
from the case of a country Gavunda, who was succeeded in 
his office by his widow. That daughters were heirs on the 
failure of sons is further proved by a Saundatti record 
which informs us that when Madiraja II of Kolara family was 
killed in battle, Gauri, his only daughter, was married to a 
Banihatti chief, who consequently became heir to the fiefdom 
of the Kolara family as well. 

Now let us consider the position of women. We have 
seen already how widows and daughters were recognised as 
heirs. The Stndhana rights, we may presume, were also 
recognised. They have been conceded in the Hindu society 
since very early times and even the Smriti writers, who refuse 
to recognise the widow as an heir, permit women to have 

102. Yajnavalkya, 11, 135-6. 

103. Mohaparajaya, Act III, See ante, p. 243. 

104. E. a. VII, No. 219. 


tmdisputed proprietary rights over certain ' varieties of 
Stridhana property/^^^? A 12th century record from. . 

' pur' seems to refer to the case of., '-a ' daughter selling ■ - landed 
property. The record is unfortunately fragmentary and 
so we do not know whether the land that was sold by this 
lady was sold with the consent of the reversioners* or whether 
it was., a piece of property that had devolved upon her: 
as a daughter or as a widow. In any case the record shows 
that the women in the Deccan could sell landed property 
under certain circumstances. 

Alberuni says that the Hindus of his time used to arrange, 
the marriages of their sons, because they used to take 
place at a very early In another place he informs 

us that no Brahmana was allowed to marry a girl above 12 
years of age. That Alberuni ’s observation was true of 
the Deccan of our period as well, is proved by the Nitivakya- 
mrta from which we learn that boys were usually 16, and 
girls not above 12, at their marriage/ It may be pointed 
out that as early as the time of the Dharmasutras, L e. c. 300 
B.C. -c. 100 A.D., pre-puberty marriages were regarded as pre- 
ferable to post-puberty ones; almost all the Smritis that were 
composed at about our period pronounce most frightful curses 
upon the guardians who fail to marry their female wards 
before they attain puberty. We may, therefore, safely 

conclude that during our period pre-puberty marriages of girls 
were the order of the day at least among the Brahmanas. 
There seem to have been some occasional cases of post-puber- 
ty marriages among the ruling families; the marriage of Sam- 
yogita, with the famous Prthviraja, for example, took place 

106. S. g, Vasishtha, XVII, 43, Baudbayana !L 2, 49; Apastamba IL 
6, 14, 9 recognise this right though they do not admit widow as an heir. 

107. E. L. HI, p. 216. 108. 11, p. 154. 

109. Jdjdp. 131. • - no. XI, 28; XXX, 1. 

111. E. g. Brhadyama IIL 22; Samvarta I, 67 ; Yama L 22; S'ankha. 
XV* 8; Laghus^StStapa 65. 



when she was quite grown up.; ; But such cases were excep- 
tions and not the rale«' 

Several law writers from Baudhayana downwards 
observe that , the custom of marrying the . maternal ■ uncle ’a ■ 
daughter prevailed among the inhabitants of the 'Deccan..; 
Inscriptions of our period refer to a number of cases of such' 
marriages. ' Jagattunga, the predeceased -son of Kyshna^ n,.had: 
married a daughter of his maternal uncle S'ankaragaiia/^^®^ 
The same was the case with Indra IV. Such marriages are 
recognised as" valid by the Dharmas'astra ' literature for the 
Deccanese and are still not unknown. They may have been 
fairly in vogue in our period. 

There is no Purda system even today in the Deccan# 
except in the case of a few royal families who are known 
to have imitated it from the north. We may, therefore, well 
presume that the custom was unknown in our period, Abu 
Zaid says : — ‘ Most princes in India allow their women to be 
seen when they hold their Court. No veil conceals them from 
the eyes of the visitors.* The statement in the Kadba 
plates that the moon -faced damsels in the court of Krshija I, 
who were skilful in exhibiting internal sentiments by means 
of the movements of their hands, used to give delight to. the. 
ladies of the . capital, would support the testimony of Abu 
Zaid that no Purda was observed in the Deccan of our period.. 

Merchant Sulaiman says : — Sometimes when the corpse 
of a king is burnt, his wives cast themselves upon the pile and 
burn themselves ; but it is for them to choose whether they 
will do so or not^^^^b It will, therefore, appear that the Sati 
custom was not so common in the Deccan of our period even 
in the royal families as it was in Kashmir, where we fiiid 
even unchaste queens like Jayamati compelled to ascend the 



funeral pyre by the force, of the public opinion/”''^ Nay, 
,,-ICaIhana records the cases, of concubines, servants® and sisters- 
in-laiv burning themselves along with dead hings/^^^^ The 
inference that the Satl custom was not so common in the Deccan 
•as it was in the north is further supported by the fact that though 
there are several inscribed vJrgah of our period, scattered all 
over Karnatak commemorating tiie deaths of village heroes 
who had died for their communities, mention of Satis, in these 
records is hardly to be seen. The only known case of , Sati 
belonging to our period is that of Gundamabbe, one of the 
wives of Nagadeva, a minister of Satya&'aya, who bad no 
issue and who is known to have burnt herself with her 
husband when the latter was killed in war.^^^*^^ Alberuni's 
statement that wives of kings had to burn themselves whether 
they wished it or seems to have been based on the 

events in contemporary Kashmir and does not hold good of 
the Deccan, The statements of Sulaiman and Alberuni 
would further show that the custom was still mainly confined 
to the royal families and that it had not yet spread to the 
masses, as was the case in the later centuries. 

The custom of tonsuring widows is not referred to by 
any Muslim traveller of our period, Alberuni describes in 
detail the hard lot of the widow but nowhere mentions her 
tonsure. The Smritis of our period describe in minute details 
the various rules to regulate the life of the widow, but they 
nowhere lay down that she was to shave her entire head 
periodically. Vedavyasasmriti^^^^^ alone lays down that a 
widow should part with her hair at the death of her husband, 

115. RajataranginI, VU!, p. 366. 

116. Ibid, V!I. pp.724. 858; V, 2G6j VII, 481, 1488, 1490, I486. 

’ 117. 'Rice; Intwidiuc^ott p, XVII, 

118. II. p, 155. 

11?, See Msiirco Pok'II, p. 341, tbu Batuta p, 191, Bemier p, 30, 

, Tavernier p. 414. 120. 11.53. 



but this is a solitary exception. Epigraphical evidence also 
shows that tonsure was not in vogue in our period ; Pehoa 
prasmti of Mahendrapala, while describing the exploits of 
a feudatory named Purijaraja, states that he was the cause of 
the early hairs of the wives of his enemies becoming straight. 
Another expression, that is frequently used in our 
^■epigraphs; to describe heroes, is " ripnmlasitimmant oddhur am- ■ 
^hetuhd ‘the cause of the cessation of the parting of the hairs 
of the damsels of the enemies. ’ This expression will show 
that queens, when widowed,- used -to refrain from decorating 
their hair; -the hair, however, was allowed to grow and was 
ample in quantity as the expression quoted in the last foot- 
note will show. The tonsure system, we may therefore 
conclude, was not in vogue in our period. It was, however, 
well established some lime before the 17th century, for Taver- 
nier informs us that Hindu widows of his time used to shave 
off their hair a few days after the deaths of their husbands/^^^^ 
There is a difference of opinion among the Smriti writers 
of our period as to whether virgin widows should be married 
or not Paras'ara Narada,^^^"^^ and Laghu-S^MMapa^^^®^ 
permit remarriages in the case of such widows, bu 
Angiras,^^^^^ and Laghu-As'valayana^’^^^ prohibit the marri- 
age with a bride, even when she was merely accepted by, 
but not married to, another previously. It is, therefore, diffi- 
cult to say whether virgin widows in the higher classes were 
remarried or not in our period. The present writer has shown 
elsewhere that the Gupta Emperor Chandragupta 11 had 
married his brother* s widow Dhruvadevi, but that is a much 
■earlier case. Inscriptions, accounts of foreign travellers 
and the literature of the period nowhere refer to widow 

1.2L : I E. I., I. p. 246. 

123. IV, 26. i24. XII, 97. 

122. p.406, 
125. V, 44. 



re-marriages/^®®^ Later Nibandha writers are unanimous in 
declaring that such marriages are illegal ■ in the present age.' We 
may,' therefore-, conclude that widow remarriages were .getting 
unpopular' in our period. It must of - course . be remembered, 
that the question of widow marriages never troubled the lower : 
classes, among whom they were and are fairly common. 

Ibn Khurdadba, who writes about the Deccan of our period,: 
states : — ‘The kings and people of Hind regard fornication as 
lawful and wine as unlawful. This opinion prevails through- 
out Hind, but the king of Kumar ( z. e, the territoiy round the 
Cape Kamorin ) holds both the fornication and the use of 
wine as unlawful* This is an astounding statement, since 
fornication has been unanimously regarded by all the Smrili 
writers, both old and new, as one of the most heinous crimes. 
A still more astounding assertion has been made by another 
Muslim merchant, AMdrisi, who states that in the country of 
Balhara ( z. e. Gujarat of the 12th century A.D. ) concubi- 
nage is permitted with all women except the married ones, and 
that a man may have intercourse with his daughter, sister or 
aunt, provided they are unmarried. Both these statement 
have to be classed under the category of the travellers* 

It has been shown already in the last chapter how 
women, who had the misfortune of being dishonoured, were 
admitted back into their families and castes, during our 
period. The theory that such a procedure is not permitted 
in the present Kali age had not yet attained popularity. 

Our epigraphs supply us with some interesting informa- 
tion about a few legal points. Land transfers and similar 
transactions were done in writing, , and the title deeds were 

129. It may be poxated out that Alberuni observes that death by sati 
and life -long widowhood full of misery were the only two alternatives 
before the Hindu widow. II, p. 155. 

130. Elkot, i, p 13; 13I.‘ Ibid. p. 89. 

132. Ante. 


regularly attested. Two of the three Kanheri inscriptions/^^^^' 

■ which record grants in favour^of the local • Buddhist .Sangha:,: 
are attested to- by two witnesses each. In the^ 3rd inscription 
there are no witnesses, probably because the donor was -the 
premier of the kingdom. The spurious Ganga' grant of , Vfra', 
Nolamba is attested to by four witnesses/ Sometimes 
■the principal officers and the whole population of a district are- 
mentioned as witnesses of a transaction, as in the Kadba 
-plates of Govinda If the debtor was a man' of good' 

-status and well known character, - loans - were sometimes ad- 
vanced on personal security; a Ratta inscription informs us that 
Rudrabhatfa, the founder of the Banahatti house, had raised 
a loan of lOQ golden coins on the security of a letter of his 
name. He had agreed to call himself Rudrata and not 
Rudrabhatta, as long as the debt was not paid/^®^^ 

Government documents of transfers of lands or villages 
were not always attested, but their originals were carefully 
preserved in the state archives for future reference. The 
Bhadan plates of Aparajita, dated 997 A.D., expressly states, 
that their originals were kept in the state archives at 
Thana/^'"^^^ At the time of the renewal of old grants, these 
originals must have been consulted in order to see whether 
the claims advanced were justifiable or not. Nevertheless, 
governments used to insist upon the possession and produc- 
tion of the copper plates on the part of the grantee or his 
successors in title. We come across cases of lands being 
fully assessed on the plea that their owners could not support 
the claim for exemption by the production of the tamrapatta^ 
creating the privileges claimed. On the other hand, w^e 

133. L A.. XIH.pp. 133fL 134. L A., Vlli, p. 96. 

135. E. L, IV, p. 340. 136. J. B. B. R. A. S., X. p. 257. 

137. E. Ill, p, 275. 

138. Chikka-Bagewadi plates, L A., VIL, p. 303. Nidkanpur plates,. 
E. I., XfX, p^lS. 



BOiiietimes find owners recovering the possession of their lands, 
by the production of the Copper plates. 

Daring our period adverse possession was regarded as 
creating a substantive title, if it extended continuously for 
three generations. A verse to this effect occurs at the end of 
the Kadba plates of Govinda and the theory^ of 

adverse possession advocated therein agrees entirely with the 
dictum of Narada that even an illegally acquired estate cannot 
be recovered by its rightful owner, if the adverse possession 
had extended over three generations. This epigraphicai con- 
firmation of the view of the Narada Smrti will show that the 
portions dealing with the civil law in the Dharmasastra liter- 
ature were usually based on actual practice, as Nilakantha 

The Hindu dress of our period doss not seem to have 
required much tailoring. Towards the end of the 7th century 
A.D., the Hindu male dress usually consisted of two unstitched 
cloths, one worn round like the present dhoti, and the other 
used as an upper garment. Narada confirms the above 
statement of I-tsing, for he informs us that a witness might be 
presumed to be a perjurer if he continuously goes on shaking 
the;upper garment, wherewith his arm is covered, This 
again would suggest that an upper garment was used instead 
of a stitched shirt. Two travellers of the 13th and the 14th 
centuries, Marco Polo and I bn Batuta, show that down to the 
14th century the dress in the Deccan continued to be of the 
same kind. Marco Polo states that in the whole of Malabar 
no tailor could be found who could cut or stitch a coat, 
and from Ibrt Batata we learn that even the Zamorian of 
Calicut was wearing only a loose unstitched upper gar- 
ment which was fluttering in the air, Woden were, 

139. L A., XII, p. 18. 

140. Vyavah&ra'niayukha, Introductory chapter, 

141. I-tsing. p.68. 142. 1,194. 143. II, p. 338, 


however, using stitched petticoats, as would appear from the-.: 
references in the contemporary literary works. 

The paintings in the Ajanta caves show^^^'^^ that men 
were wearing large turbans in the Deccan in the 5th and 6tb ' 
centuries. In this respect the southern practice differed from 
that in Kashmir,, where down to the llth century no one-' 
could' wear a turban except the king. It seems that the- 
practice of growing beard was. more common in our period^' 
than is the case From l-tsing, we get an interest- 

ing description of the .umbrellas .in vogue towards the^ end; 
of the 7th century The- umbrella wa-s woven with-: 

bamboo skin and was made as thin as possible. It was- 
about two or three feet in diameter. Sometimes it was woven 
with reeds instead of bamboo products; paper was inserted in 
the weaving and the whole was. varnished with lacquer. This 
umbrella probably belongtd to Bengal where I-tsing had 
spent most of his time: but we may- presume that the DeccaU' 
umbrella was not much different from the one described by 
the Chinese traveller, since umbrellas of the type were quitec 
common in Konkan till quite recently. 

We come across no surnames of Brahmana donees in the 
inscriptions of our period. Only their personal names and the 
names of their fathers and ^otras are given. The custom of 
surnames, however, soon came in vogue after our period : for 
in the Chikka Bagewadi^^^^^ and Bendegiri^^^^^ inscriptions 
of the Yadava king Krshna, we find surnames making their 
appearance* It is interesting to note that many of the sur- 
names given in these records survive, in, the Deccan to the 
present day, e» g* Pathaka,, Dvivedi. Upadhyaya, Dikshita, 
Pandita, Pattavardhana, and Ghalisasa. Vedarthada, Prasan*v 

344, Codrington, Ancient India* p. 26, 

145. RajataFangini, Vi I, 926. 

146. Sulaiman Saudagar, Hindi edition, p, 81, 147. p. 74. 

148. I. A.. VU, p. 305. 149. L A., XIV, p. 69. 



nasarasvati, and Praudhasarasvati are some of the surnames 
that have not survived in the struggle for existence. ' ■ The 
reason seems to have been that they, were, too, cumbrous for 
daily use. ' It will be easily perceived that most of ■ the sur* 
names above mentioned are really titles, descriptive of the 
/literary achievements of the various individuals.. Later on 
they crystallised into hereditary surnames. 

. ■. Some of our inscriptions supply us interesting information 

about the sports and amusements of the age. Dancing was 
a favourite amusement. The Kadba plates support the 
inference in this respect to be derived from the contemporary 
dramas, when they observe that the ladies of the capital 
used to be charmed by the skilful dance of the dancers in the 
court of Krshna The presence of the dancing girls 

at the temples is also indicative of the same fondness. 
Inscription No. 67 at the Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore 
records the provision made for the actors who took part in 
the drama at the time of the annual fair a number of 

the Deccan records also mention the provision made for 
the raniabho^a of deities/^^^^ The expression rafigabhoga 
probably refers to the provision for Pauranic dramas, that 
used to be performed at the time lof the annual fairs in 
the Deccan till quite recently. Such plays were organised 
also on occasions like Dasara, Holi, Ramanavami and Gokula- 
ashtami. Kautalya refers to popular dramas organised by 
the villagers/ and we may well presume that they were 
fairly common in our period. 

Animal fights were also not unknown in our age. One 
of the Ganga records refers to a fight between a boar and 
a favourite hound of Butuga II wherein both the animals were 
killed/ The death of this hound was certainly a great 

150. I. A., Xll. p. 13. 151. S. I.. I. 11, p. 11. 

152. E. g., ManagoH inscriptionj E. J., V, p. 23, 

153.,, II. . . 154. E, ■!.* VI, p, 56. 



historic event; had it not died, inscribed commemorative tablet 
at Atkur would never have come into existence ; and we may 
have been still groping in the dark .about the. circumstanees; 
'leading to the' death of the Chola crown-prince Rajaditya. 

Hunting was one of the favourite pastimes of the. .Rash-; 
trakuta' Tulers.. One of the inscriptions of .Govind' 
informs US' how he speared the boars preserved for his sport," 
when'- be returned . to Ramesvaram on the .; Tungabhadra..- 
This inscription would show that there were game preserves 
in ' the various centres of the empire for .the^ use of the 
emperors and courtiers. ..... 

The sciences of astronomy and astrology were remark- 
ably developed in our period, and epigraphy supplies ample 
evidence to illustrate the hold which the latter had over the 
popular mind* From the Kadba plates of Govind III 
we learn that even the Jains had taken to astrology, for, the 
record states how a grant was made in favour of a Jain Matha 
because its head had removed the evil influence of Saturn 
from which a feudatory Chalukya prince was suffering, 
Saturn was indeed tremendously dreaded in our period; the 
Silahara prince Aparajitadeva^^®^^ and Mahamandalesvara 
Govunarasa^’^^^ are seen taking with pride the title of ‘Sani- 
varavijaya, *one who is successful (even) on Saturdays*. The 
time when Dahir started to fight with Kasim was carefully 
selected by his astrologers; and in order to counteract the 
advantage which the Muslim opponent enjoyed by the pre- 
sence of Venus behind his back, Dahir had fixed on Lis back 
a golden image of that planet. Unfortunately this golden 
Venus did not perform her duties faithfully, and poor Dahir 
was defeated and slain. What Marco Polo has said about 
the people of Gujarat and Malabar, vh* * They pay greater 

155. L A., XI. p. 126, 
157, E. !.. in, p. 269. 
159. Elliot, I, p. 169, 

156. E. L. IV. p. 340, 
158, E. L, IV, p. 66, 



lieecl to signs and omens than any other people that exist/ 
seems to have been substantially true of the Deccan of ouf 
period* . . ■ 

Besides astrology, there were a number of other super- 
stitious beliefs current in the society. It was believed that 
if certain vows and conditions were observed, gods could be 
compelled to do the needful; we sometimes come across- 
devotees threatening the poor god with non-co-operation. 
From one of the Ratta records from Saundatti we learn that 
Kesiraja of Banahatti had sworn to the Unborn If disease 
and trouble should ever manifest themselves among those 
whom I protect, I will come to you no Catching a 

serpent alive was regarded as a signal proof of chastity ; 
Sugaladevi, the wife of Mandalasvara Varma, had caught a 
serpent alive in her hand and a temple was built in her- 
honour as the chastest lady of the land,^^'"^^ Spells and 
enchantments ag^st serpent bites were current, but evidence 
is available to show that their futility was often realised/ 
Many women were induced to administer herbs and medi- 
cines to their husbands., which were supposed to be efficacious 
in keeping them under their control, but which very often 
ruined their health and hastened their death/ Sometimes 
some loyal subiects used to take the vow that they would 
offer their own heads, if their king were to be blessed with a 
son. Sorab No, 479 informs us that in c. 991 A.D, Katega 
took a vow to offer his head to the goddess Gundabbe of 
Hayve, if his king Ifentivarman got a son ; a son was soon 
born and then Katega allowed the royal soldiers to cut off 
his head, and of course went to heaven/^^^^ There were 
others who used to vow to offer their own heads in case a son 
was born to them, cases are on record to show that such 

161. J. B,B. R. A. S., X, p. 281. 

164, J. B. B. R. A. S,. X, p. 279. 

160. n.p.365. 

162. I. A., XIL p. 99. 
165. E.a,vnL 


Economic Conditio B 

An enquiry into the economic conditions of our period 
is beset with several difficulties. Sources of information, 
both indigenous and foreign, are scanty and their interpreta- 
tion is rendered difficult by the uncertainty as to the precise 
meaning to be attached to the technical terms used therein. 
It is proposed to utilise in this chapter some of the records 
hailing from Tamil country. A part of that province was under 
the Rashtrakuta occupation for nearly a quarter of a century in 
the reign of Krshna HI, many of whose records hail from that, 
province, which can be interpreted only with the help afford-, 
ed by other Chola records. It would be therefore both' 
necessary and useful to supplement our information fr,Qm. 
other contemporary Chola records. 

166. E. C., IV, introduction, p. 9. 

167. Elliot, 1, p. 10. 


VOWS were actually Ibn Khurdadba informs us 

that persons who had grown very old and weak very often 
used to commit suicide in holy places, either by drowning or 
by burning themselves on auspicious days.^^*^*^^ This custom 
riiay have prevailed" to some extent, since the famousGhan-:: 
.■della -king Dhanga is known to have courted 'death- byv 
allowing himself to be drowned at Prayaga, when he had 
.'grown, very old/ 

It is not to be supposed that the above practices v/ere 
universal; they were confined to certain sections of the socictj^. 
They are simply mentioned here in order to give an idea of 
the superstitions of the age as they can be ascertained from 



Let us first enquire into the wealth of the country. This 
is primarily derived from its natural products and industries, 
and secondarily from its commerce and conquests. The 
natural products of the Deccan under the Rashfrakutas 
could not have been much different from those of the 
present day as far as the produce of the soil is concerned, 
since no considerable climatic changes are known to have 
taken place during the last 1000 years. Cotton was produced 
in large quantity in southern Gujarat, Khandesh, and Berar; 
cotton yarn and cloth are mentioned among the articles of 
export from Bharoch by the Periplus in the 1st century A.D., 
by‘^’ Marco Polo in the 13th century”’ and by Tavernier 
in the 16th century.”’ It is obvious that in our period too 
the regions referred to must have been producing cotton, as 
they do even today, Gujarat cotton in Marco Polo’s time 
was a rough variety suitable for stuffing only, the same pro- 
bably was the case in our period loo. Indigo is known to 
have been extensively exported from Gujarat and Thana in 
the 17th”’ and 13th”’ centuries A.D. and the crop was pro- 
bably raised in our penod too. Incense and perfumes were 
exported in large quantity from Saimur and Thana in the 
12th and 13th centuries”’ and the same may have been the 
case in our period too. The chief crops in Maharashtra must 
have been jawari, hajri and oilseeds and Karnatak must have 
produced cotton in addition. Konkan was rich in coconuts, 
betelnuts and rice; the western ghats and parts of Mysore 
yielded large quantities of sandal, teak, and ebony wood. 
It may be pointed out that the timber of these trees was 
exported from western Indian ports since pre -historic times, 

I. Schoff. periplus. p. 39 2. 11. p. 393. 3, p. 52 . 

■4. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeh, p, 160. 

5. Marco Polo, II, pp, 393 and 398, 

6. Elliot. I. p. 87; Marco Polo. II. p. 393. 



The fertility of the Deccan soil compares unfavourably 
with that of the alluvial plains of Bengal or the United Pro- 
vinces, but the comparatively meagre 'wealth,' that was availa- 
ble from this source, was supplemented by the metallurgical 
products' in a much greater degree than is the case at' present.:: 
Gopperis' mentioned as an article of export from . Bharoch in 
the Periplus^'^^ and since northern India depended' almost, 
entirely on the produce of the local copper mines down to the 
' beginning of the 1 7th century we need not suppose 

that the copper exports in the first century A.D., were merely 
of the nature of re-exports. But it was not only in northern 
India that this metal was worked out; traces of more or less 
extensive workings of copper mines have been discovered in 
the districts of Gudappah, Bellary, Ghanda, Buldhana, 
Narsingpur, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Dharwar/^^ Some 
of these mines are known to have been worked up right up to 
the time of Hyder Ali. It is, therefore, very likely that the 
wealth of the Deccan of our period must have been to some 
extent increased by the yields of these copper mines. We 
should not forget in this connection that copper was a much 
costlier metal than it is now. In the 17th century it was five 
times costlier than now, and at about our period silver 
was only 3 times dearer than copper and 14 times cheaper 
than gold. The relative ratio of prices of gold and copper, 
as given by Brihaspati, is 1 : 48. The present ratio of the 
prices of these metals is about 1 : 1500. 

Far more valuable than the mines of copper were the 
mines of precious stones, that were actively worked with 

7. Schoff, Periplus, p. 36. 

8. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb, p» 183. 

9. Ball. A Manual of the Geology of India, Part III, Chap, y? La 

Touche, A Bibliography of Indian Geology and Physical Geography^ 
pp. 113-137. iS ^ 

10. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. " 

11. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar Oarmich^l Letcur&s,> A, p. 189, 



great profit during our period. Cudappah^ . Bellary* . Karnul,,.' 
and the Krishna valley near Golconda, continued to yield 
rich harvests in diamonds till a much later time^ as we know 
from Marco Poio/^^^ Ibn Batuta^^^^ and Tavernier At. 
the time of Ibn Batuta Deogiri, which was then till quite 
recently the capital of the Deccan, was .a famous centre of 
the jewelry trade; during our period Malkhed, the Rashtra- 
kuta capital, which was much nearer the diamond fields, must 
similarly have been the main market for the precious stones 
unearthed in the mines mentioned above. Tavernier, writing 
in the 17th century, says that the port of Goa had formerly a 
large expert trade in jewelry; but whether this former period 
mentioned by him can go bach to our age is doubtful. 

Contemporary documents do not give any adequate idea 
of the industries of the period; but we can get a fair notion 
from the accounts of foreign merchants of the earlier and later 
periods. Cloth industry was the principal one. From the 
Periplus we learn that cloth was largely exported from 
Bharochand Damarikef, e. Dravid country. The principal 
centres in the Deccan were Minnagar, Gujarat, Ujjain, Paithan 
and Tagara/^'^V - Most of these continued to be centres of 
cloth industry down to the 1 7th century A,D. Marco Polo 
states that Gujarat, Thana and Warangal used to manu- 
facture and export considerable quantities of cloth in the 
13th century, and Tavernier notes that prodigious quan- 
tities of clear and white calicos were manufactured in 
Burhanpur and Berar, and were transported thence to 
Persia, Turkey. Poland, Arabia and Cairo/^^^ It is there- 
fore but fair to conclude that during our period, which is 
almost midway between these two, the industry may have 
been equally thriving. Paithan and Warangal were, and 
still are, particularly famous for their muslins. About the 

12. ll.p.36a& ,p.217. 14. p.319. 15. p. 22?. 16. p. 34., 

17, Pp. 34.4%-; ; ,,IL pp. 393, 395, and 361, , 19. , p. 40. 



^cloth manufacture at these places, Marco Polo says, — These 
are the most delicate buckrams and of the highest price; in 
sooth they look like 'the tissue of - spider’s web. - ' There can be ■ 
■no king or queen in ■ the world but might be glad to wear,: 

■" Paitham, the name given to the high class silken, 
>saries of ladies in the Deccan, is significant in this connection. 

From Marco Polo we learn that southern Gujarat and 
■ northern Maharashtra were great centres of tanning industry 
in the 13th century. Leather was exported in large quantities 
from Thana in Gujarat the quantity of hide dressed was 
so great that several shiploads could be exported to Arabia 
and the Persian Gulf/^^^ This tanning industry of the 
Deccan and Gujarat is not mentioned in the Periplus, but 
since it was in full vigour in the 13th century, and had cap- 
tured a number of foreign markets, it is reasonable to infer 
that it must have begun its career during our period. 

I bn Batuta compliments the Marathas of the region 
round Daulatabad and Nandurbar on their skill in arts; but 
what particular arts he was referring to is difficult to ascertain, 
as he does not mention them. Marco Polo refers to the mat 
industry flourishing in southern Gujarat and northern Maha- 
rashtra in the 13th century when beautiful mats in red and 
blue leather, exquisitely inlaid with figures of birds and beasts 
and skilfully embroidered with gold and silver, used to be 
exported in large quantities from these provinces/^^^ it is 
not improbable that this industry too, which was prospering 
in the 13th century, may go back to our period. 

Mysore was very rich in elephants and we may therefore 
well presume that it may have been a centre of ivory industry. 

Contemporary records do not give any detailed account 
of the commerce of the period, but the accounts given by the 
Periplus, Alberuni, Al Idrisi, Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta 
ean give us some idea in this respect. Bharoch, which was 
20 . II, p. 391. 21. lUp. 395. 22. H, p. 393. 23, il, pp. 393-4. 



an ail-India port since very early times, continued to be so in 
our period. From Al-Idrisi, who is slightly later than our 
period, we learn that it was a port for vessels coming from 
China as well as for those coming from Sindh and the Per- 
sian Gulf. Its inhabitants were rich and principally en- 
gaged in trade; they used to engage freely upon speculations 
and distinct expeditions. Merchandise from every country 
was found there, and was sent on from there to other countries. 
The Gujarat Rashtrakutas must have derived considerable 
revenues from the import duties at this port. The prosperity 
of Bharoch may have been, to some extent, affected in our 
period by the rise of the port of Cambay and its inclusion 
in the Gurjara Pratihara empire. This must have diverted to 
the new pmt a portion of the northern trade which formerly 
Wowed to Bharoch, as Cambay was nearer to the Gurjara- 
rratlhara capital Kanauj. 

/^alyan which was a natural port of export for the 
n^them Deccan was the next port of importance. In the 
6th century at the time of Cosmos Indicopleustes. it was one 
ol the hve important ports trading in cloth, brass, and blach- 
wood logs ; the same was very probably the case in our 
period too. Naosari. Sopara, Thana, Saimur, Dabhol, Jayagad 
Devagad and Malvan were other ports of minor importance! 
engaged chiefly in coastal trade. The revenues from all 
these ports must have been fairly extensive. From the 
Kharepatan plates of Anantadeva it wood seem that the 
import duties on the coastal trade were less than those on 
the roreign trade/®^^ 

The above description of the natural resources and 
industries of our period can enable us to complete the list 
of the articles of export. Cotton yam and cloth, both rough 
and fine, muslins, hides, mats, indigo, incense, perfumes, betel 
nuts, coconuts, sandal and teak wood, sesame oil, and ivoiy 

Elliot. I, p. 87. 25. E. I., HI, p. 286. 



must have been the principal articles available for export ; 
most of these have also been actually enumerated among 
the articles of export by the Periplus, A1 Idrisi, Marco P olo, 
and Ibn Batuta, Bharoch used to export a number of pro- 
ducts from northern India as well in the -time of the Periplus, 
and the same probably continued to be the case, at least to 
some extent, in our period too, Diamonds were available 
for export, but it is not known whether the Rashtrakutas had 
put any embargo on the trade in that commodity. From some 
of the later writers like Tavernier, we learn that some of 
the kings of later days would not permit the export of the 
bigger diamonds; it is not impossible that the same restriction 
may have been imposed by the governments of our period. 

Among the articles of imports at the port of Bharoch, 
the Periplus mentions inferior pearls from the Persian Gulf,, 
dates, gold, slaves, Italian wine, but in small quantity, 
copper, tin, lead, topaz, storax, sweet clover, flint glass, 
antimony, gold and silver coins, and singing boys and girls 
for kings/ With some exceptions these must have con- 
tinued to be imported even in our period, as they were not 
procurable in India and were required by her people. From 
Marco Polo we learn that Thana used to rimport gold, silver,, 
and copper in the I3th century. Import trade in horses 
was extensive, Marco Polo says that every vessel visiting the 
Deccan and Gujarat ports invariably carried horses in addition 
to other cargo. This trade must have been even brisker in 
our period; for, the needs of the mounting department of the 
Rashtrakutas and their feudatories must have been very 
■.great."';:, ' ' 

The principal means of transport in our period was the 
bullock cart. A1 Idrisi says that there was no other means 
of travelling in Gujarat, except chariots drawn by oxen under 



llie control of a The same was probablj^ the case 

in our period. Horses were fairly dear and were therefore 
not available for transport purposes# The bullock carts were, 
however, fairly comfortable; Tavernier, writing in the I7th 
century, says that they were more commodious than anything 
that has been invented for ease in France and This 

compliment is of course paid to the conveyance of the 1 7th 
century, but when we remember how" conservative the Hindu 
artisan is, it would appear very probable that the bullock 
carts of our period too were equalh^ good. 

We have no contemporary records which throw light 
upon the condition of the roads. The author of the Periplus 
•complains that goods from Paithan, Tagara and other 
places in the Deccan had to be brought to Bharoch in 
waggons through great tracts without roads, and the picture 
drawn by Tavernier about the state of affairs in the 17th 
century is no more flattering/®^^ About the Deccan he says 
that wheeled carriages do not travel there, the roads being 
too much interrupted by high mountains, tanks, and rivers. 
These reasons assigned by Tavernier would show that the 
roads were bad mainly in the ghats and hilly areas. The 
military necessities of the empire must have compelled the 
Rashtrakutas to keep the roads in a fairly good condition. It is 
not very likely that in our period, even the roads over the 
ghats and hills were as bad as they were in the times of the 
Greek and French traveller. 

Besides the bullock cart, the oxen and pack horses of 
an inferior breed must have been used for transport, especial- 
ly in the hilly tract, or when it was desired to have a speedy 
transport. In the Muslim period several subcastes used to 
follow the caravan* s profession, transporting merchandise 
from one place to another. Individuals used to own as many 
as 100 bullocks; they used to move along with their wives, 

29. Elliot, I. p. 87 30, p, 30. 31. P.43. 32. I. Chap. IL 



children, and priests, and had no houses of their A 

similar mode of transport was probably in vogue in the 
Deccan of our period where roads were too hilly to admit 

of cart" transport „ , , 

Problems connected with land revenue and the incidence 
of taxation have been discussed already in chapter XL some 
other agrarian topics will be considered here. The prevail- 
ing tenure of the Deccan of our period was Rayatwari, but 
a zemindar class, the members of which were assigned royal 
re^^enues, did exist to a limited extent The mention of 
gramapati along with gramakuta in some of our records shows 
that the former was a village holder. Some of the officials 
were assigned revenues of villages and towns, as shown al- 
ready, and these probably are referred to as gramapatis. 
There is no evidence, however, to show that whole districts or 
Talukas were being assigned to revenue farmers. 

A record belonging to the middle of the 10th century 
hailing from Tirukkalavur states that the village assembly 
had taken on trust for cultivation a piece of land, the proceeds 
of which were to be utilised, apparently, for some charity. 
The members of the assembly had agreed to have the land 
cultivated (on the terms) two to one. The expression in the 
Italics obviously refers to the lease condition determining the 
shares of the owner and the tiller, but unfortunately there is 
nothing in the record to indicate whether it was the owner or 
the cultivator who was entitled to two shares. Nor do we 
know whether the produce was to be divided in the gross or 
after the government dues had been paid. In the Deccan at 
present sometimes the owner receives three shares and the 
tiller two, sometimes the owner two and the tiller one and 
sometimes the division is equal. It is, therefore, difficult to 
state whether the assembly in the above case received two 
shares or only one. The former alternative seems probable. 

33. L, pp. 3l»33 34. Ante, p. 189. 35. S. I. 1., HI. No, 10. 



the land was. 

freely transferrable or not. There is sufficient evidence to- 
thrieik ^ ^ transfer of land was not an affair in which only 
stundaS ^ere concerned. A record from 

consent of fifty agncultunsts. It seems veiy probable that 
^ese agncultunsts were the Mahajanas of the locality; if so 
It IS clear that the sales of the land required the consent of 
village community. An inscription from Belgaum district 

oTk d f gave 800 kammas 

land to a temple at Nesarge. the six headmen of the place 

received a gdt of money ‘like that which was customa^ to 

g- at the time of buying.-- It would therefore seemThll 
even when the rulers of the land were alienating landed 
property, they had to pay a certain duty to the village head- 
man. i his custornary gift to the village headmen seems to 

ve been due to the necessity of getting the consent of the 
il age community, whose spokesmen they were. This record' 
belongs to the I3th century and since it does not refer to the. 
consent of the Mahajanas for the transaction, like the 10th 
century record from the same locality referred to above, it 

TT uT"" community was . 

gradually becoming a more or less formal affair. Here again 

we hnd epigraphical evidence supporting theSmriti literature, 
injiis lengthy introduction to the Dayabhaga section. 
V^nanes vara quotes an anonymous text, declaring that 
transfer of land can become effective only with the consent 
^ the village community, castemen. neighbours and kinsmen. 
Me. however, maintains that the consent of the village com- 
■ munity was merely intended for the publication of the tran- 
sac ion, It does not mean that the transaction becomes ultra- 

ires it no such consent was obtained previously. The con- 


J- B. B. R. A. S... X.. p. 208, 37. Ibid. p. 257. 



sent of the neighbours also was merely to avoid any quarrel 
about the boundaries/^^^ It would therefore appear, both 
from the epigraphical and Smriti evidence, that the consent 
of the village community was becoming a more or less formal 
affair at the end of our period. 

There is evidence to show that if a village or land was 
owned by several cosharers, no new owner could be introduced 
except with the consent of the whole body. The Sivapur 
inscription of Mahas'ivagupta, belonging to c. 800 A.D., 
assigns I share of 5 villages to 15 Brahmanas. The grant 
was hereditary, but on the condition that the grantees and 
their descendants continued to be men of learning and high 
moral character. The record expressly adds that if a sharer 
died heirless, or was ignorant, or immoral, his share was to be 
assigned to some other relative by the remaining coshares, 
and not by the king. 

The village artisans like the carpenter, the smith, the 
potter, etc., were maintained by the community by the assign- 
ment of a certain grain-share from each farmer, in return for 
which the artisans were to supply his needs during the year; 
This system has been very ancient in the Deccan and continues 
to the present day. 

Let us now proceed to consider the means of exchange.. 
A number of Chola records, to which attention will be drawn 
later, show that during our period barter was extensively 
practised in Tamil country. It has been shown in Chapter XI 
how the Rashtrakutas and their feudatories used to receive 

38. ^ ^ i 

i! * mm ^ 

39. E. I., XL p. 192. 

40. For a detailed history of this system in the Deccan, see Altekar^^ 
A History of the Village Communities in Western India, pp, 92-97. 



their revenues sometimes wholly and sometimes partly in 
.kind#: The government transaction under these circumstances 
must have been at least partly by barter. We shall not 
■therefore be far wrong in assuming that in our province, vas"^ 
in Taihil country, the barter system was fairly in vogue. 

" ^ number of coins of gold and. silver are mentioned in 

our records, but it is strange that so far not a single coin, 
belonging indisputably to the Rashtrakiita dynasty should 
have been discovered. Silver coins of Krshnaraja bearing the 
legend Paramamahesvara-mahadityapaJa ( or maiapitrpada )» 
Mudhyata^S riKrshrardjah^ which have been discovered in 
large quantities in the district of Nasik and in Marathi C. P. 
were first attributed with some hesitation to the Rashtrakuta 
king Krshna J, but that view does not seem to be correct. 
As Rapson has pointed out, these coins imitate too closely the 
latest Gupta coins of the locality to permit the assumption 
that they belong to Krshna They are besides undated; 

Rashtrakuta silver coins bore the dates of issue, Our notions 
of the Rashtrakuta coinage have therefore to be based, not 
on first hand evidence but on a number of a priori considera- 

Dramma, Suoarna, Gadyanaha, Kalanju Bx\diK.asii are the 
principal coins mentioned in our period. Dramma is the San- 
skritised form of the Greek term drachme. The silver coini 
of the Indo-Baktrian kings, weighing about 65 grains, wer4 
known by that name and we may presume that the weiglfit 
of the drammas mentioned in our records was more or lejs 
the same. One of the Kanheri inscriptions belonging to tpe 
time of Amoghavarsha I mentions golden drammas and dis- 
tinguishes them from ordinary drammas mentioned a little 
earlier/^^^ It would thus appear that the name dramma was 

41. Rapson, Indian Coins ^ p. 27. 
^oins. see I. A., XIV, p. 68. 

42. Sulaiman Saudagar, p. 50. 

For further discussion on these 



given to both silver and golden coins in the northern pro- 
vinces of the Rashtrakuta empire. Our four anna silver piece-, 
weighs about 4S grains ; silver dramma was thus about one- 
third bigger than this coin, 

Cambay plates of Govinda IV mention a gift of 1400^^^^ 
villages yielding an annual revenue of seven lakhs of Suvarms. 
The value and weight of this Suvarna coin is difficult to 
determine. According to several well known authorities 
like Kautaiya, Manuvetc., the term Suvarna denotes a golden 
coin weighing 80 raktikas or about 146 grains. Suvarna 
coins of this description of early dates have not been dis- 
covered, but it is well-known that the Imperial Guptas tried 
to restore this national unit towards the middle of the 5th 
century A.D. The Suvarna coins mentioned in the Cambay 
plates, however, did not very probably weigh so much as 
146 grains. Most of the golden coins of southern dynasties 
of our period vary in weight from 45 to 55 grains; no golden 
coins weighing about 146 grains have so far been discovered 
belonging to the Deccan of our period* It is not improbable 
that the term Suvarna has been used in the Cambay plates to 
denote, not the technical Suvarna coin weighing about 146, 
grains, but the current golden coin weighing like the dramma 
about 65 grains. 

The epigraphical records from Karnatah and Tamil pro- 
vinces usually mention Kalanju, Gadyaijaka and Kasu as the 
current coins of the land. These were all golden coins. 
Kalanju is really the name of a prickly climbing species of 
Csesalpina, the w^eight of whose seed varies between 45 to 
50 grains. The average weight of the early punch-marked 
golden coins of the south also varies between 45 and 50 grains. 
The normal weight of a Kalanju coin of our period may 
therefore be presumed to be more or less the same. It was 

44. E. L, VIL p. 26. 


‘45. Elliot, Coins of Southern India^ pp 
46, S.LL, m. No. 191. 47. S, 

48. Carmichael Lecturer, 1921, p. 191 



therefore about a quarter of a tola in weight/^*’’^ It must be, 
however, remembered that there were some local variations 
inks weight; thus an inscription refers to a gift of 25 Kalanjus 
:for a perpetual lamp weighed by the balance used in the case 
■’of charitable edicts. A record of the time of ParMtaka' I':' 
.mentions, Kalanjus weighed by a. stone called after Vedelvi-"' 
dugu, which was the surname of the Pallava king Tellarareinda 
Nandipottaraiyar/'^'^^ Since the actual weight of the Kalanju 
seed varied by a few grains, it would seem that the standard 
was specifically determined by the state from time to time. 
The variation could not have been of more than a few grains. 

The coin Gadyanaka was equal to two Kalanjus and thus 
weighed about 90 grains. It was a gold coin equal to the 
modern eight anna piece. 7 Kalanjus were equal to 20 
Kasus: a Kasu thus weighed about 15 grains of gold. 

Other coins occasionally mentioned are Manjadi and 
Akkam. Manjadi was one-twentieth of a Kalanju and thus 
weighed only about 2^ grains. Akkam was one-twelfth of a 
Kasu and was thus about half the size of the Manjadi. 

The coinage, above referred to, was almost all in gold, 
dremma being the only exception. Silver coins from the 
southern India, belonging to the first millennium of the 
Christian Era, are very rare. We shall therefore experience 
some difficulty in converting the prices in gold of our age in- 
to corresponding prices in rupees of the present day, as we do 
not know the precise ratio of prices of these two metals dur- 
ing our period. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has pointed how 

the Nasik cave inscription No, 12 shows that the ratio between 
the prices of these two metals was 1 ; 14. The record ex- 
pressly equates 35 Karshapanas to 1 Suvarna, and since the 
ratio of copper to gold was never so high as 1 : 35, we have to 


'Conclude that the Karshapaiias of the record were silver and 
not copper coins each one weighing 32 ratis, z. e, two-fifths of a 
.golden Smarm: the ratio between the prices of the two metals 
thus becomes 35 x 32 : 1 x 80 1 . e, 14 : 1, S^nkraniii^ which was 
probably composed not much later than our period, gives the 
ratio as 1 : Tavernier, writing in the middle of the 17th 

" century, says that the golden rupee was equal to 14 silver 
ones/*’^^ It would thus seem that the relative prices of these 
two metals were fairly constant from the 1st to the 17th 
century, and we may, therefore, "presume that in our period 
they were somewhere in the vicinity of 1 : 15. The ratio before 
the recent rise in the price of gold was about 1 : 39. 

The following table of the values of the various coins 
may be useful to the reader for ready reference. 





Approximate Approximate 

weight present value. 

65 grains or tola about 6 as. 

,, about Rs. 7* 

„ 48 grains or ^ tola, about Rs. 5. 

„ 96 grains or ^ tola, about Rs. 10. 

« 2^ grains. 

„ ii grains, 

and industry, that were 
while ago, presuppose not only currency, but also banking 
facilities. These latter were provided in our period by guild 
organisations. These organisations have been, since early 
times, a conspic^us feature of the Hindu trade and industry. 
As early as the Andhra period, the whole of the Deccan was 
spread with a network of guilds, which used to regulate 
trade and industry, train apprentices, and do the banking 
business, not only for their members but also for the public. 

il) Dramma. 

(2) Dramma. 

(3) Kalanju. 

(4) Gadyapaka. 

(5) Kasu. 

(6) Manjadi. 

{7) Akkam. 


about Re« I 10 as. 
about 4 as. 
about 2 as. 
described a little 

49, IV, 2, 98. 


The guilds continued to flourish in our period too. In c. 775 A.D. 
there was a guild of weavers at Laxmesvar* the headman of 
which had agreed to make a certain contribution for a certain 
religious object An inscription from Mulgiind, dated 
c. 880 A.D., records a gift by four heads of a guild belonging to- 
360 towns/^^^ The precise import of this description of the 
guild is not easy to determine, but it looks vei:y^ probable that 
the description is intended to indicate that its membership 
was spread over 360 towns and villages. The record 
immediately proceeds to record a gift, made by some local 
Brahmanas, with the consent of 2000 merchants. The context 
of these two passages in this inscription would suggest that 
these 2000 merchants were connected with the guild, or were 
perhaps its members. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the 
members of the guild were spread over 360 different localities,. 

The absence of more numerous references to guilds in 
records, strictly falling within our period, must be regarded aa 
merely accidental, for we get several references to them in the 
epigraphs of the succeeding centuries. An inscription from 
Belgamve, dated 1083 A.D„ ^’’‘'’’refers to a guild which apparently 
ruled over or had its offices in 18 cities; another from Managoli* 
dated 1161 A.D./''^^ refers to several grants made by the 
guilds of, oilmen, weavers, artisans, basket -makers, mat- 
makers and fruit -sellers. Recently two inscriptions have been 
published, one from Kolhapur, dated S'aka 1058, and the other 
from Miraj, dated S^aka 1066 which give interesting 

information about a guild of the Vira-Balanjus, the member- 
ship of which had extended over four districts. A record from 
Saundaiti, dated 1205 refers to an assemblage of ali 

the people of the district, headed by all the guilds of the place. 
The names of the guilds are not given in this record, but they 

52. E. 1., VI, p. 166. 53. J. B. B. R. A. S., X, p. 192. 

54, Ibid. 55. I, A., V, p. 344. 56. E. I., V, p;22. 

57, /E. I.. XIX, p. 33. . 58. J. B. B. R. A. S., X, p, 238. ■ 



were in all probability similar to those at ManagolL It is, 
therefore, quite likely that the guild organisation in our period 
was ' not quite so negligible as- the references occurring in. the; 
inscriptions, ■strietly belonging to our age,, may perhaps; lead ^ 
us to conclude. - ^ 

:Some.of ouf' records give us a glimpse into the " worhing- 
: ^ of these guilds. ■ The weavers’, guild at Laxmesvaf' had ' only 
one head, the Mulgund guild, with a probable membership of 
20D0, had four heads, while the one at Belgamve, which is 
described as ruling over 18 cities, had an executive of 9., The 
Vi'ra Balanju guild mentioned in the Miraj inscription had an 
executive of 15, belonging to the different localities of the 
districts, over which its membership had spread. It would 
thus seem that every guild. had an executive, the strength of 
which varied with its membership and activities. It is 
interesting to note that these executive committees of the 
guilds, which we discover in inscriptions, should be also found 
in literar^^ works like the YajnavalkyasmrtU^'^'^^ and Nltivakya- 
mHa, Meetings of the general body were convened 
when general policy had to be discussed or grants from guild 
properties or requiring recurring contributions f rom individual 
members were contemplated. 

A number of records above mentioned, e. g, those from 
Managoli, Miraj, etc., record contributions from members of 
guilds towards religious objects on a certain scale; it would 
thus appear that the guild acted as a corporate unit and that 
the resolutions, probably passed by a majority, were binding 
on ail the members. The guild at Belgamve had its sbo 
edicts; this fact show that they could frame bye-laws 

binding upon its members. Here again we find epigraphy 
corroborating the Smriti literature, for and Yajnaval- 

down that the rules and regulations of the guilds 

59. 11. p. 189. 60. XXiX. p, 9. 61» I. A., X, p, 185. 

62. Vin,4L 63. 11, 187-8, 


were to be respected by the king, it they were not against 
pnbiie interest 

■ While describing the gnild' members who had come to 
witness the wrestling ■ between ' Kansa and ; Krshigia, Hari~, 
refers to their banners bearing upon them the repre- 
sentations of the implements' of ■ their different industries. 
That. the ■ association ■■'of particular banners, with particular 
devices mentioned in the Harimnsa is not fictitious is proved 
by the Belgamve and ..Kolhapur inscriptions referred to above, 
which refer to the banner of the Vfra-Baianius, and describe 
it as bearing the device of a hill. These banners were 
probabl^^ carried at the head of the caravans or militias of the 
guilds, as was later the custom of the European companies 
in India. 

An inscription from Dambal states that a guild of the 
locality had its own umbrellas and The umbrellas 

and chanris, which this guild was using in 1095 A.D.* were 
obtained by a royal charter from Jagadekamalia ( c. 1018“ 
1040 A.D. ) It would thus appear that some of the bigger 
guilds used to receive royal charters determining their powers 
and privileges. The above record further describes the 
Dambal guild as the lord of Aihole, the best of towns. This 
may perhaps show that some of the big guilds were often 
entrusted by the state with the government of towns and 
cities. The reason for such a step may have been the loans 
advanced to the state by the guild banks; as a security for 
these loans towns like Aihole may have been handed over 
to the creditor guild by the debtor state. Maintenance of 
troops was a natural corollary of the overlordship of towns 
and cities; members of guilds must have either formed or 
officered their own militias, otherwise it would be difficult to 
justify their description in the Dambal and Kolhapur records 
as ‘ persons whose breasts were embraced by the goddess of 

6^. Chap. 86, 5# 65. Tavernier, p. 36. 66. I. A., X, p. 188. 



perfect impetuosity and bravery*. It may be pointed out that 
the Maiidsor inscription, belonging to the middle of the 5th 
■century A.D., also describes some of its members as experts, in, 
archeiy, and bold in forcibly uprooting the enemy in battle. 

' Another reason why guilds had to maintain their own. militias, 
was to safeguard their goods, while being transported from 
. '.one -place to another. From Tavernier we learn that in the 
.Muslim period each cart in the caravan had to be protected by .. 
^ four soldiers, each of whom had to be paid ,.Rs. 4 a month 
■Similar precautions may have been necessary in our period as 
well, and the maintenance of a militia would have reduced the 
expense of keeping the mercenary force, besides adding to 
the dignity and prestige of the corporation. In this connec- 
tion we should not forget that even village communities in our 
period used to maintain their own militias. 

The guild banks were among the most stable banks of 
our period, inspiring the highest amount of public confidence. 
The village communities also had their own banks as shown 
already, and these must have been equally stable institu- 
tions. Private individuals also must be then, as now, carry- 
ing on banking business. 

Let us now proceed to ascertain the rate of interest. 
There is sufficient epigraphical evidence to help us in this 
matter. A Kanheri inscription of the time of Amoghavarsha ! 
mentions a certain investment in a local bank, which 
had agreed to pay an interest in perpetuity upon it. This 
record states that the rate of interest was to be determined 
by experts from time to time. This provision was a reasonble 
one; the guild had to pay the interest in perpetuity, and no 
definite rate could be guaranteed for all time to come. The 
rate must vary with the conditions of the money market It 
is, however, worth noting that a similar saving clause does 



not occur in the numerous ■ other inscriptions of our period^ 
which state the agreed rate of interest on deposits given in 
perpetuity, it is, however, not unlikely that in practice the. 
banks of the guilds and the village communities, which had 
bound themselves to supply interest at a certain rate, may 
have been allowed some latitude, if the condition of the 
money market was severely adverse to them. 

Another Kanheri inscription of the same period 
supplies some data to determine the rate of interest of the 
locality. We find that the premier of the local S'ilahara 
dynasty had to invest 160 Drammas in order to provide 
annually 20 Drammas for the Buddha worship, 3 Drammas for 
the building’s repairs, 5 Drammas for the robes of the monks 
and 1 Dramma for the purchase of the books; 160 Drammas 
could thus fetch, by way of interest, 29 Drammas annually* 
The rate of interest, which prevailed at Kanheri towards the 
end of the 9th century is thus found to be about 17 percent per 

We get copious data to determine the current rate of 
interest during the latter half of the iOth century A.D, An 
inscription from Tiruvurrur in Chingleput district, dated in 
the 22nd year of Krshna iU, mentions an investment on 
which the village assembly of Kuattur had agreed to pay in 
perpetuity an interest of 15%, This rate of interest seems to 
have been not far removed from the normal rate on perpetual 
deposits; a number of inscriptions from Tanjore belonging to 
the first half of the llth century disclose 12|-% as the current 
rate on such deposits. Sometimes the interest on capital 
in cash u e., Kalanjus, is stuted in kind f. e., in Kalams of paddy. 
But here again, if we convert the Kalams into their cash 
equivalent, the rate of interest is found to be varying between 

72. Ibid, p. 136. 

73. Inscripiions from Madras Presidency, Chingleputi No. 1048. 

74. S. 1. 1.. H, pp. 95. 97. 98. 99. 101-3. 



10 to 15%. Thus an inscription of the lime of Krshna HI 
records a gift of 20 Kalanjus by a queen of Vaidumba 
■ Maharaja, a feudatory of that emperor. The interest on these' 
20 Kalanjus is stated to be 20 Kalams of paddy. Another 
inscription from south Arcot district, belonging to the reign of 
-the same emperor, shows that the rate of interest in that 
locality - also ■ was 1 ■ Kalam per Kalanju. -^'*^^^ This . Kalam " is, 
however, ■ by the Perilmai' measure which was 25% bigger 
than the normal Kalam, as will be soon shown. The rate of 
interest will thus work out to be li Kalam per Kalanju, if we 
take the Kalam to consist of 12 Marakkals of 8 and not of 10 
Naris. The price of paddy at this period varied between 
8 to 12 Kalams per Kalanju, as will be soon shown; an 
interest of 1 Kalam per Kalanju would thus be somewhere 
between 8 to 12^%, and an interest of li Kalam would be 
between 10 to 15%. 

In some localities, however, much higher rates prevailed, 
A Bana inscription, dated 915 A.D.,^^^^ states that the interest 
on 20 Kalanjus was to be 5 Kalanjus, The rate of interest in 
this case is, therefore, 25%. A still higher rate of interest is 
seen to prevail in a record, belonging to the time of 
Parantaka I, L e,, the first half of the 10th century. A local 
temple at Annamalai, which had to pay to the assembly a tax 
of 18 ilakhasu on the lands belonging to it, is seen arranging 
for the annual payment of 6 ilakkasu by depositing a capital 
of 15 ilakkasu with the members of the village assembly. 
The rate of interest here works out to be as high as 40%. 
This rate is much above the normal one; it may be due to the 
village assembly being in urgent need of funds for meeting 
some pressing need of the hour; it is also possible that the 
assembly may have decided to show a special favour to the 

75, Inscriptions from Madras Presidency^ N. Arcott., No. 636, 

. 76. E. L, VIj, pp. 188 ff. 77. E. L, XI, p, 224. 



deity of the village by giving an indirect concession in the land 
.ax .by allowing an abnormal rate of interest on the .capital 
deposited by the temple authorities for that purpose* 

Interest at high rate like 30 or 40% is only exceptional; in 
the' vast .majority of. the records of oiir period*, the .rate of.: 
interest, when the capital was in cash, is found to be varying 
between 12 to 15%» It is interesting to note that the rate, 
.permitted by Manu,^^^^ Yajnavalhya,,^®®^ and, Kautalya^'-^: 
on the capital in cash is also 15%. 

If the capital advanced was in kind we find that the rate 
of interest was much higher. Ukkal inscription No. 5,. 
belonging to the time of Kampanavarman/^*^ records an 
agreement of the villagers to pay an interest of 100 kadis on 
a capital of 400 kadis of rice, while another from the same 
locality mentions an interest of 500 kadis on a capital of 1000^ 
The rate of interest in these cases works out to be 25% and 50% 
respectively. Here again epigraphy is seen confirming the 
testimony of the Sraritis. Kautalya permits an interest 
of 50% in the case of the capital in grain, and 
Yajnavalkya/"'^''^ and Vasishtha,^®^^^ who do not permit the 
capital in cash to be exceeded by the interest, declare that 
in the case of the capital in corn the interest may amount to 
two times the capital, showing thereby that the normal rate 
of interest permitted on the corn was about twice as high as 
that allowed on the capital in cash. 

It must be remembered that the normal rate of interest 
of 12 to 15% on the cash capital was the one which the 
banks of the guilds and the village communities, w^hose secu- 
rity was unquestionable, were allowing on permanent deposits 
which were never to be withdrawn. Ordinary debtors could 
have obtained loans from these banks obviously at a much 



higher rate of interest. It is, therefore, very probable that 
these' banks: may have charged an interest of about' 20% 'to-, 
the debtors, who could offer good security for the loan, and 
that private , money lenders may have charged about:: 25%v: ' 
■This inference, is' supported, by the statement of Manu that ' 
a person charging interest at 24% is not guilty of sin. If 
■'the security were of doubtful value,, the rate of interest must 
have been still higher, say, 30 to- 35%. The- statements' in^ 
Manu and Yajhavalkya^^^V that Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, 
Vaishyas, and , Sudras ' should be . charged interest - at 24%,: ' 
36%, 48%, and 60%, respectively would seem to show that the 
poorer classes like the tillers of the soil, who could not pro- 
bably have given quite a good security, were charged interest 
varying between 30% to 50%,' This conclusion is fully supported 
by the above epigraphical evidence, which shows that the 
depositers could get from the banks of the best security an 
interest of about 15%, One can now well understand why 
the Smrilis hold the usurer in low estimation and declare him 
to be a person unfit for being invited for a S'raddha. The 
rates of interest figuring in the examples given in the Lilamti 
by Bhaskaracharya yary from 36 of to 50%.^^^^ 

Inscriptions of Krshna III and his Chola contemporaries 
supply interesting data to determine the prices and the stan- 
dard of living towards the close of the 10th century. The 
prices given are usually the barter prices in paddy, but they 
can be converted into their cash equivalents. A knowledge 
of the various measures mentioned therein is necessary to work 
out these prices and the following table, the first two columns- 
of which are borrowed from a table prepared by Hultzsch, 
will supply the necessary information* 


Equivalents Probable 
in ibs. or tolas equivalents in 

5 -Sevudu. 1. Arakku. ' 
.2 Arakku. 1 Urakku. 

2, Urakku. 1 ■ -Uri. ■ ^ 

. 2 ^ ■ U|'L ■■ ' ■ ' 1 ' Nari or Ps 
8 Nari 1 Kuruni or 
2 Kuruni I Padakku. 

2 Padakku 1 Tuni, 

3 Tuni, 1 Kalam 

3| tolas 
7i tolas. 
15 tolas,' 

I lb. 

6 ibs. 

our time 

These measures in 
our time were either 
of the same capa- 
cit^^ or perhaps 16% 
bigger in each case 
in the district of 

The above table gives the contents of the MarakkaL as 
determined by the Adavallan or Rajakesari measure, which 
was current in the district of Tanjore in c. 1000 A.D. The 
value of a Marakkal differed in the past as it differs now 
in different districts. In the South Arcot district in the time 
of Krshna III, the Marakkal prevailing was the one deter- 
mined by the Peril mai measure which was 25% larger than 
the ordinary Marakkal, since it was equivalent to 10 and not 
SNaris.^^^ It may be pointed out that even today, the 
Marakkal of the South Arcot district is larger than that of 
Tanjore, but the excess today is 50% and not 25%. The 
Madevi measure of Marakkal, that is mentioned in another 
record of Krshna hailing from the same district seems to 
be identical with the Perilmai measure. At Annamalai the 
Marakkal was determined by the Annamaa measure, at 
Takkolam it was fixed by the Kavaramoli measure. Since 
these places are near the district of Arcot, it is permissible to 
infer that these Jast two measures like the Perilmai one were 
larger than the Adavallan one. It may be pointed out that 
even today there is a great diversity of measures prevailing 



in Tamil country ; the Kaiam of Trichy, South Arcot, and 
Tanjore is equal to 48, 36, and 24 Madras measures respectively. 
While trying to find out the prices, we shall have to take 
.great precautions in determining the precise contents of the 
Marakkal in use. 

The Kaiam that is prevalent today in the district of 
Tanjore is equal to 24 Madras measures, the contents of each 
of which when filled with rice are about 3 ibs. in weight. 
The present day Kaiam of Tanjore is thus equal to about 
72 ibs,; the results in the column 3 of the above table can be 
easily deduced from this datum by making the necessary 

It is, however, by no means certain that the Kaiam by 
the Adavallan measure, which was in use in Tanjore in our 
period, was exactly equal to the modern Kaiam there in 
vogue. It may have been bigger or smaller or equal. In 
South Arcot district, we have seen above that the Kaiam 
today is 50% and not 25% bigger than the Tanjore Kaiam; so 
these measures have been by no means unchanged in the last 
1000 years. Our records, however, supply us evidence to 
conclude that the modern Kaiam at Tanjore is approximately 
equal to the one in vogue towards the end of the 10th century. 
A number of inscriptions state that one uri of ghee was 
required to burn one lamp, day and night. The uri in the 
above table is equal to 15 tolas, and it will be found that if a 
ghee lamp of one flame of moderate dimensions fed by 
^two wicks is kept burning day and night, it will require 15 to 17 
tolas of ghee. 15 tolas are just sufficient for the purpose, but 
it is possible that the endowments may have provided for 
some margin, or that the wicks may have been bigger than 
those used now-a-days, requiring a somewhat greater supply 
of ghee. If we assume that the latter was the case, then the 
uri referred to in our records would be 17 to 18 tolas, or say 
17|- tolas, i- ^ bigger than the present one. Under that 


95. S. L L, II, Nos*4&5. 

96* Inscriptions from Madras Presidency f North Arcot, No* 636; 
E. L. VII, pp. 188 ff* 

assumption the Kalam would be also about 16% bigger- than 
the present Tanjore,. Kalam, f. about 84 lbs.; otherwise it 
would be approximately equal to the naodern one, i. e,, 72 lbs, 

.Having .determined, the. modern equivalents of the various 
measures that we shall have to deal with while determining 
the prices, we can. nov/ undertake that task with fair con- 
fidence. It must be remembered at the outset that even in 
modern times the prices are not fixed but fluctuate with 
scarcity, -wars, famines.' and bumper crops. We must be, 
therefore, prepared to find a certain fluctuation in prices, as 
they may be disclosed by our inscriptions. 

Let us first find out the price of paddy which was the 
staple corn in the south. Two inscriptions on the central 
shrine of the Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore, one on the 
southern and the other on the northern wall, enumerate a 
number of villages, that were assigned by king Rajaraja before 
the 29th year of his regin, f. e., before 1014 A.D. In the case 
of each village the precise acreage under cultivation and the 
land tax due therefrom have been stated with meticulous 
accuracy. The taxation of about 29 villages is given in paddy 
and is found to be 100 Kal warns of paddy by the AdavallaB 
measure per velL In the case of 5 villages, how^ever, the 
amount of tax is given in cash, and is seen to be 10 Kaianjus 
per velu Since the villages belonged to the same division, 
it is fair to conclude that 10 Kaianjus of gold were equal to 
100 Kalams of paddy by the Adavallan measure. The price of 
paddy would thus be 10 Kalams per Kalanju towards the end# 
of the 10th century A.D. 

Two inscriptions from North Arcot district, belonging to 
the reign of Krshna inform us that the interest on a 

Kalanju of gold was a Kalam of paddy. In this district, the 



Marakkai was measured by the 'Madevi’s measure, which 
was 25% bigger thaa the Adavallan measure. The interest of 
20 ' Kalams would' thus be equal to 25 Kalarns by the Tanjore 
measure. The rate of interest allowed on permanent deposits 
by the banks in this part of ' the country at this time was 
about The interest on 20 Kalanjus would thus be 3 

Kalanjus which -would be the price of 25 Kalarns by the 
Adavallan measure. A Kalanju could thus procure Si Kalarns 
of paddy in c, "960 A.D. in the Tamil districts annexed tO; the 
Rashtrakuta empire. , ' ' This price is about 20% dearer than . 
the price prevailing under Rajaraja, which, as we have seen 
above, was 10 Kalarns per Kalanju. It is very likely that the 
prolonged and bloody wars that were waged in this province 
between the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas by this time, may 
have made articles dearer; we may, therefore, assume that the 
normal prices towards the middle of the iOth century A.D. in 
the districts annexed to the Ite.shtrakute empire were 10 
Kalarns a Kalanju. A gold Kalanju w^as about a quarter of 
a tola in weight and thus was equal to about Rs. 5 of today. 
Since the ratio of paddy to rice is 5: 2, 10 Kalarns of paddy 
would be equal to 4 Kalarns of rice. Four Kalarns by the 
Adavallan measure would be equal to either 144 or 168 seers 
according to the table given on p. 376* Rs. 5 could thus procure 
about 150 seers of rice. Rice was thus sold at about 30 seers 
a rupee. Before the recent fall in prices ordinary rice was 
sold at about four to five seers a rupee; so the prices have 

99. U the interest is assumed to be and not 15% the price an 
this case also will work out to he 10 Kalarns a Kalanju. 



were necessary to keep a iamp burning throughout the year- 
The table on p. 376 would show that 180 naris are equal to 
135 lbs.; 4 Kajanjus, i. e., Rs, 20 could thus bring 67^ seers of 
ghee. Ghee was thus sold at 3 to 3^ seers a rupee at the 
beginning of the 10 century. The ratio of the prices of ghee 
and rice would thus be about 9:1. 

(2) Another record belonging to the end of the lOlh 
century A.D.''“> states that the interest on 12 Kalanjus could 
purchase 90 naris of ghee required to burn one perpetual iamp 
throughout the year. If we assume that the rate of interest 
was^the normal one, i. e. 12^%, the price of ghee, as given 
by tnis record, is found to be seers a rupee. This price is 
cheaper than the one ascertained in the previous paragraph, 
but it may be pointed out that the inscriptions are separated 
by about 75 years and that the rate of interest assumed is 
hypothetical. The relative prices of rice and ghee, as 
deducible from this record, would be 7| : I. 

(3) An inscription of the time of Parakesarivarman 
Uttamachola (c. 975 A.D.) informs us that one Padakku of 
paddy could fetch one uri of sweet ghee;'^'’^ another of the 
time of Rajaraja (c. £000 A.D.) states that four naris of paddy 
was the price of one Arakku of sweet ghee; '“^^a third one, 
about 50 years later, observes that one Urakku of ghee’ was 

equal in value to one Kuruni of paddy. If we work up these 
figures from the table supplied on p. 376 we shall find that in 
each of these three cases the ratio of the prices of sweet ghee 
and paddy is the same, viz., 1 : 32. Rice is about two-fifths 
of paddy, and therefore, ^ the ratio of the prices of rice and 
sweet ghee would be about 1 : 12. Since rice was sold at 
about 30 seers a rupee, the price of sweet ghee would be about 
24 ' seers a mpee. 



This price is much dearer than that deduced from records 
Nos. I and 2 above, where we found it to be 3i" to 4|’ seers- 
per rupee. But the difference is due to the fact that the ghee 
required in these two cases was for burning a lamp, and must 
have, therefore, been of quite an ordinary quality. The ghee in 
all the oases in paragraph 3, above is described as , sweet ■ , and ■ 
was, therefore, naturally dearer. We may, therefore, conclude 
that good ghee was sold at about 2l- seers a rupee and 
ordinary one,, at about 3| to 4 seers-, a rupee. , The present 
day variations between the prices of good and bad -ghee are 
eqoalb' great It will also be seen that the relative prices of 
good ghee and rice today are also the same ; rice is sold,, 
(to quote 1930 rates) at about seers a rupee and good ghee 
at about Rs. a seer. The price ratio in thus about 1 : U. 

Let us now consider oil prices. Two records belonging 
to the third quarter of the 10 century A.D. supply the necessary 
data. In one of these we are informed that one nari of oil 
costs one Tuiii i. e., 32 ndris of paddy, u e., 12^ ndris of rice. 

Oil is thus seen to be as costly as sweet ghee. The 
same conclusion is driven home to us by another record/ 
which records an investment of 30 Kalanjus for purchasing 
90 ndris of oil. The rate of interest is not stated, but the 
investment is sufficiently high to indicate that oil was dearer 
than ghee of indifferent quality. At present oil is relatively 
very much cheaper than ghee. The dearness in our period 
may suggest that oilseeds were not then so common as they 
are now. The price of oil in our period would be about 2^ 
■seers 'E 'rupee.- 

The prices of curds are supplied by two records of the 
time of Rajaraia/^'^^^ We are told in these records that one 
ndri of curds used to cost 3 ndris of paddy, u e., | ndris of 
rice. Curds was thus about 20% dearer than rice and,, 
therefore, must have been sold at about 24 seers a rupee. 

104. S. I. L. n. p. S. 1. 1., HI. p, 262. 



The price of pulse at the end of the 1 0th ceiitury can ' be 

worked out from two inscriptions of Rajaraia/^^'"^ The ratio of 
prices between the pulse and rice, as given in both these 
records is the same, 6:3; 5 naris of pulse used to cost 
6 naris of rice* In northern India the pulses are usually 
cheaper than rice, but the thing seems to have been the 
reverse in the south during our period. From the above 
price ratio we can conclude that about 25 seers of pulse 
could be purchased for a rupee in our period. 

The prices of a number of miscellaneous articles, used 
for the soup and vegetables, can be ascertained from inscrip- 
tion No. 26 in the Rajarajesvara temple. The prices of these 
articles in the Rashtrakuta dominions could not have been 
much different. 

Salt. The record states that urakku of paddy could 
procure the same quantity of salt. The ratio of paddy to rice 
being 5 : 2, and the latter being procurable at 30 seers a rupee, 
salt must have been sold at about 75 seers per rupee. The 
relative ratio of the prices of these two commodities is the 
same today. In Akbar’s time, however, a pound of salt was, 
when measured in terms of food grains, 2i times dearer. 

Pepper. Kve Naris and i Urakku of paddy was required 
to purchase one Arakku and if S'evidu of pepper. 2i0 S'evidus 
of paddy were thus required for purchasing six S^evidus of 
pepper. Pepper was thus 31 times costlier than paddy, or 
about 12 times costlier than rice. The present ratio of the 
prices of these articles is the same. 

Mustard. 2 Naris, 1 Arakku, and 1 S'evidu L e,, 
96^'evidus of paddy or 38 S'evidus of rice were required for 
1 Arakku and 1 S'evidu L e., 6 S'evidus of mustard. The 
latter commodity was thus 6 j times costlier than rice. To use 
the present terminology its rate was five seers a rupee. 



jlRAKA or CUMIN. One Nari of paddy fetched 11 
S^evidu of Cumin. The ratio of prices between these two 
articles works as out 40 : If i a., 43 : 1, Cumin was thus about 
17 times costlier than rice. It must, therefore, have been sold 
at about two seers a rupee. At present . it is onij^ 12 times 
costlier than rice. 

Cardamom seeds. A Kasu L e., i5 grains of gold 

or about Re. 1 and 10 as., could fetch one Kuruni and four 
Naris I. e., 9 lbs., of cardamom seeds. The rale was thus about 
5'i ibs. a rupee. The present rate in northen India e. g., at 
Benares is 12 as. a lb. The commodity was thus onh’- about 
four times cheaper than today; it was thus reiativek^ dearer* 
Camphor. This article was' in our period very much 

costlier than it is today. From one record 


iearn that 

one golden Kasu i. e., about Re. 1 and.tO as. were required to 
purchase' 2| Kalanjus i. e., | tola of camphor. In another 
record the price is stated to be 3 Kalanjus i. e., f tola a 
Kasu. A tola of camphor was thus costing in our period 
about 2l rupees, Lilavati w, 76 , 100 ' gives if and 2 Nishkas 
as the price of one Pala of camphor. A Nishka.of Bhaskara' 
weighed about 1 tola, and Pala 3 tolas. • A tola of camphor 
thus required tola of gold i. e., 'roughly Re. 1-12 as. At 
present the same quantity of that commodity costs about 
I anna, so the price is about 36 times cheaper. Camphor had 
to be imported from abroad, and its price show^s that the 
danger and cost of the sea transport were very great. There 
was the danger of piracy, and the import merchants had to 
borrow money for their trade at 120 % per annum/^-^^^ 

P'rOITS. Plantains were sold at 1200 per Kasu, 
f. e,,.for 26 as. A pice could thus fetch 10. They were’ thus 
about 6 times cheaper than now. LllatPati u. 89 gives one silver 
Dramma (=60 gr.) as the price of 300 mangoes; this shows 
that mangoes were sold at the rate of 60 an anna, 

109. S. i: L, II, p. 75. ' no. "' Ibid, p.' 132. " 

Va^jnavalkya, 11. 37. ... 112 . S. I. L. U, p. 151. 

111 . 




Sugar. The price of this article is mentioned in several 
records; one states that three Paiams and 1 Kaisu of 
sugar cost 2 Naris, 1 Uri, 1 Arakku, and 4 S'evidus of paddy; 
another observes that one Palam of sugar could be had 
for 2 Naris of paddy, while a third one informs us that 
half a Palam of sugar required Nari of paddy. These 
prices are very divergent, and it is not possible to work them 
out, because Palam is an. indefinite and variable measure. 
Amara says that it is equivalent to 4 Karshas or 3 tolas; in 
medical works it was and is taken to be 8 tolas; some other 
Koshas equate it to 5 Karshas or 4 tolas. Since we do not 
know the value of the Palam in vogue at Tanjore during our 
period, it would be hazardous to offer any conjecture about 
the price. If we take the Palam to be 5 tolas and the 
average price of sugar to be about l| Nari of paddy, L c., about ' 
12 tolas of rice, we find that sugar was about 2l times costlier, 
than rice. So it was', much dearer than it is now. The 
conclusion is of course hypothetical. 

Cattle. A record^^^^ of Rljaraja throws some light on.' 
the prices of ewes and cows. A ewe cost about ^ of a Kasu ’ 
i e., about 6 to 7 as. and a cow f of a Kasu, i. e., about Re. I 
and 2 as. The cost of the cow was about three times the cost 
of an ewe, a conclusion which is further supported by the fact 
that a perpetual lamp required 32 cows or 96 ewes or 16 she- 
buffaios. The price of a she- buffalo would thus be about 
Rs. 2i* 

Land prices. One record from Melpadi, where 
Krshqa 11! was encamped when he had issued the 
Karhad plates in 959 A.D., states that the assembly of the 
village received 15 Kalanjus and assigned 1000 Kulis i. Cs | 
Veli or about 3^ acres of land, rendered tax free, for burning 



a perpetual lamp. An acre of tax-free land would Aus be 
costing about Rs. 25, 

(2) Another record^^^®^ from the same place states that 
^0 Veli of tax-free land was purchased for three Kalanjus 
and assigned to the temple for burning a perpetual lamp-. 
Here a Veli of tax-free land is seen costing 120 Kalanjus; so the 
, price is about Rs, 100 an acre. 

(3) Similar data from other records show that the 
prices of land were 34, 19, 17 and 11 Kalanjus per veh\ 
in different localities. These are wide variations in prices; 
but even today the prices of land vary considerably according 
to the quality. The land, referred to in paragraph two above, 
seems to have been of good quality, while the pieces, the 
prices of which are given here, seem to be very inferior. To 
sum up, wet fertile land appears to have been sold at 125 
Kalanjus a Veli when they were tax-free; ordinary lands 
were about four times cheaper. 

We can state the prices of land in the terms of their 
annual produce. The Melpadi inscription shows that land 
purchased for 15 Kalanjus was sufficient for feeding one per- 
.petuai ghee lamp, which used to consume 180 Naris, f. e., about 
67 seers of ghee, 180 Naris of ghee used to cost about four 
Kalanjus/^®-^^ The price of this piece was thus about four 
times the annual net produce. We have seen already how 
the banks of our period were allowing an interest of about 15% 
to their depositors, how Manu states that the person who 
charges an interest of 24% is not guilty of sin, ‘ and how 
ordinary persons in our period had to pay an interest of about 
30 to 40 per cent on their debts. If the rate of interest was 
thus so high, it is but natural that the land should cost only 
about four times its net produce, and yield an interest of 
about 25% on the capital invested. 

il8. mu No, 24. 119. mu Nos. 48. 54, 64, 68. 

, l'20, S. i i., 10. No, 19, 121, dnie, p, 380, ^ 


Below is given a list of the prices as 
in a tabulated forra These prices pre^ 
districts of the Rashtrakuta empire: and the 
proper could not have been much different. 

Articles Ancient Prices M' 

Rice 1 Kalanju 10 Kalams 1 R' 
Ghee good 1 33 Naris 1 

bad 1 50 Naris 1 

Oil ml- Naris of rice 1 Nari oil 1 
Pulses 6 Naris „ 5 Naris pluses 1 

Salt 2 Naris „ 5 Naris salt 1 

Curds 6 Naris „ 5 Naris curds 1 

Pepper 12 Naris „ 1 Nari pepper 1 

Mustard 6^ Naris „ 1 Nari mustard I 

Cumin 17 Naris „ 1 Nari cumin 1 



current in the Gupta period. The theory of this tremendous 
rise in prices is indeed arresting, and let us see whether the 
prices under the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas were really 
so much higher than those under the Imperial Guptas, 

The first argument to support this tremendous rise in 
prices is based upon a comparison of the meal-charges per 
head in the two periods. It is argued that the Sanchi inscription 
of Chandragupta shows that a capital of 23 Dinaras 

was sufficient to feed 10 monks in the 5th century A.D., whereas 
the Ukkal inscription No. shows that an investment of 
20D Kalanjus was necessary to feed 12 Brahmanas in c* 1000 A.D. 
The capital charge per head was thus 2x1 Dinaras in the 
Gupta period, whereas it was 16| Kalanjus at c. lOOD A.D. 
‘If we divide 16| by 2 t^/ argues the author, *we get 
the purchasing power of a Dinara as equal to that of 7| 
Kalanjus, or in other words, we find the prices of food stuffs 
rose seven and a quarter times from the 5th to the llth 

There are a number of fallacies in the above argument 
The division of i6| by to find out the rise of prices bet- 
ween the two periods is un mathematical; for, the one figure is 
that of Kalanjus, while the other -is that of Dinaras. A 
Dinara of the time of Chandragupta 11, during whose time 
the Sanchi inscription was engraved, was a golden coin, 
about 125 grains in weight, whereas a Kalanju of our 
period was only about 50 grains in weight Dr. Pran Nath 
has himself stated in his book that the weight of a Kalanju 
was only about 57*6 grains. 16| Kalanjus were thus 

equal to about 6f Dinaras. To ascertain the comparative 
rise in prices, we shall have to divide 6| by If all the 

other assumptions were correct, the rise in prices would be 
about 300% only* 

123. C. I. I., HI. No. 5. 

124. S. I. L. HI, No. I. 



The assumption, however, that the capital outlay in the 
two periods in question was Dinaras and !6f Kalaiiius. 
respectively is based on shaky grounds* The capital outlay 
in the Gupta period was much higher than 2iij Dinaras, The 
Sanclii inscription of Chandragupta II, upon which Dr* Pran 
Nath relies for fixing this figure, is unfortunately fragmentary,: 
but the extant portion makes it quite clear, that something in 
addition to the capital of 25 Dinaras was given for the ■ feecling: 
of 10 Brahmanas and the burning of two lamps. The relevant 
portion reads as follows : — 

qr^ ^ 

Fleet translates this passage as follows: — 

‘ Having prostrated himself in the assembly of five 
persons AmrakErrdava gives ( the village or allotment of ) 

I s Vara vasaka.*. purchased with the endowment of Manja, 
SVrabhanga, and AmarMa of the royal household and ( also 
gives ) 25 Dinaras. With the half of that donation,' 'as'/iong:'. the Sun and the Moon endure, let .five Bhikslius be fed and 
aviamp: burnt in the Jewel house. ’ 

The particle cha, occurring in the first sentence quoted' 
above, makes it clear that the donation consisted of some- ; 
thing in addition to 25 Dinaras. That additional donation, is;, 
also explicitly described as ( a field or allotment called ) 
IsVaravasaka, which was purchased with the capital supplied ' 
by the royal officers mentioned in the record. That the 
capital outlay for feeding 10 Bhikshus w’^as not 23 Dinaras is^ 
further proved beyond ail doubt by another inscription from 
V. Sanchi itself, where is expressly stated that a capital 


outlay or as many as 12 Uinaras was necessary to leed one 
monk in the middle of the 5th century. Cf. 

^ it??? i i#rf ^fiffTOTiT ^ 

f TOT i 

» * -O' 

Fleet translates the passage as follows; — 

* 12 Dinaras are given, ( as ) a permanent endow- 
ment to the community of the faithful, collected from the four 
quarters of the world... With the interest that accrues of these 
Dinaras, day % d35% one Bhikshu, %vho has been introduced 
into the community, should be fed. ’ 

This Sanchi inscription is no doubt later by about 40 
years than the Sanchi inscription of Chandragupta H, but it 
cannot be argued that the prices had soared higher in the 
interval At the time of the earlier inscription, Sanchi was 
■ the centre of a big military campaign, at the time of the later 
one there was peace in the locality, though there were wars 
going on elsew'here in the empire. So there is nothing to 
support the view, that the capital outlay disclosed by the 
later record at Sanchi^ represents an abnormal figure. The 
capital outlay for feeding a monk guest in the 5th century 
%vas thus 12 Dinaras and not 2-/b Dinaras as argued in the 
book under discussion. 

The dinner provided for by the Ukhal inscription No. 
which required a capital outlay of I6| Kalanjus, was a 
sumptuous ' one; the record states that each of the !2 
Brahmanas was to be supplied with 1 Arakku of ghee, 5 
dishes of curry» 5 Urakkus of curds, 2 areca nuts and betel 
leaves, till they were satisfied. The meal supplied to the 
guest Bhikshu at Sanchi was also, very probably, equally 
rich. In the 7th century A.D. Bhikshus, when the 3 '‘ w^ere 
.guests, were fed in a right royal fashion. I-tsiog says^^'®®^ 
that if the food supplied was just enough to satisfy the hunger, 

128, ' l4«Dg» p. 50. 129. 40, p. 47, 


economic condition 

the host was riaiculea. Usually the leavings at the table o. 
one man couU satisfy three persons, but m the case of a mea 

suppliea by a rich host, they couia not be eaten even by 10 

men. These observations will explain why the cost of feed- 
ing one Bhikshu %vas as high as the interest of l2 Dinaras or 3C 
Kalanius. Like I-tsing, the donor at Sanchi might have 
been warned that if the food supplied was just enough for the 
appetite, he would be ridiculed. The capital prowsion of U 
Dinaras or 30 Kalanjus. that has been made in the Gup a 

inscription No. 62. may thus have been, to some extent, 
excess of the actual needs of the situation. We may pern^ps 

^esTme that for the real cost of a rich dinner where there 

Ls no waste, a capital outlay of about Dinaras oi 20 
Kalanius was sufficient. The capital outlay for a similar 
meal in the south in our period was 16 or 17 Kalanjus as shown 
already. The capital outlay for an ordinary meal in the lOth 
century was only about 8 Kalanjus as will be shown foter. 
It will be thus seen that the prices of our age, far from being 
725 % higher than those of the Gupta period, weie actua y 
somewhat lower. Precise comparison is unfortunately not 
possible, as we have not any information about the cost m 
an ordinary meal and the actual rate of interest in the Gupta 


The arguments from the Dharmasatra, adduced to sup- 
port the theory that the price of the cow in the 11th century 
viz., 56 Panas. was about 500 per cent, higher than that iri the 
5th century, viz., 12 Papas, are equally weak. In the first p ace. 
the assumption underlying the whole line of argument _ here, 
viz., Manusmrti. Mulyadhyayanapansishta « ' 

D-anamayukha of Nilakantha. Vasishtha Dharma-Sutra, 
Yajnavalkyasmrti. and the Arthafestra of Kautalya are 

contemporary works written in the 3th century A.D cannot 

beacceptedbyanystudentof the Dharma^stra literature, 
To maintain that the price of a cow in the time of Manu, 



Yajnavalkya* aiid Kautalya was 12 Panas, because the ran- 
som for a lost cow was two Paijas according to these authori- 
ties, IS hardly correct, for there is nothing to prove that the 
ransom was to be exactly ~|th the price of the lost article. The 
line in the ?i'Ianusm|ti cited to support this contention, 

mm i 

is immediate^? followed by 

mfia ii 

Two Panas can, therefore, just as well represent the l^th 
as the -rVth or the rVth price of the cow. The price of a 
cow, even if we accept this line of argument as valid, can be 
12. or 20 or 24 Panas. The fact, however, is that the ransom 
prescribed for the recovery of a lost article had no mathema- 
tical ratio with its price. If we accept the theory that it was 
everj^where one sixth the price of the article, we shall have 
to assume that the price of a slave was only 30 copper Panas, 
.■since Kautaiya prescribes a ransom of. 5 Papas- for the* ' 
recovery of a biped. A slave would thus be only 21 times 
costlier than a cow* Another corollary of this proposition: 
would be the necessity to assume that the price of a cow was- 
the same as the price of a she-buffalo, since the. ransom for 
both is the same, ois., two Papas. We have shown above that 
a she-buffalo was three times costlier than a cow and Dr. Pr£|n 
Nath*s view is also the It may be further pointed 

out that immediately after stating the ransom for horses, cows, 
etc., the Arthasastra adds that in the case of jewels and metals, 
the ransom was to be only The ransom figures in the 

case of animals were higher because the custodian had to 
spend for their maintenance during the time they were with 
him* The ransom thus seems to have varied, not with the 
price of the arlicie, but with the cost of its custody. Nibandha 

ISO, VIII.Sl 13L P. m 132. Book HI. chap. 16. 


■writers expressly say so. Nxlakaolha, while beginning the 
section on Pmmsktadhigamat expressly observes 

* Now is discussed the cost of maintenance for protecting 
■one day animals belonging to others.’ Vijnanesvara also 
says that the sums of four Panas and the like that have 
to be paid to the king were for the cost of protection. 

The argument that the price of an ox was 12 Panas iii 
the 5th century, since the penalty for an unnatural offence is 
a white ox according to Vasishtha-Dharma*Sutra and 12 
Paiias according to Kautalya, is also untenable. It pre- 
supposes that the two authors held similar views about 
punishments. A glance, however, at the treatment of this 
topic by these two authors shows that their views were widely 
different Kautalya imposes only a fine upon a Kshatriya 
for having intercourse with a Brahmana Lady,^^^^Wa$ish|ha, 
on the other hand, condemns the Kshatriya culprit to death 
by burning. Dr. Pran Nath’s view that the Arthasastra 
and the Vasisfatha-Dharma-Sutra prove, between themselves, 
that the price of a cow in the 5th century A.D. was about 
12 or 13 Panas is thus untenable. 

All the arguments advanced from the Dharmasastra 
literature to prove that the price of the cow in the 5th century 
A4>, was about 12 or 13 Panas thus fall to the ground. It 
cannot be, therefore, argued that the ilth century price, uis. 
56 Panas was about 500% higher than the 5th century one. 
There must have been variations of prices in the Hindu 
period, but they do not seem to have been so great. 

We have shown above that the price level of 1930 A.D. 
was about 700% higher than that in the 10th century; rice was 
sold at about 30 to 32 seers a rupee in our period and it was 
sold at about 4 to 5 seers a rupee three years ago. 

133. Vifavaharamagukka^ p* 123. 134. On Y^jnavalkya, II, 174. 



It seems thait the prices continued to be more or less on 
the , same ievel, during the next seven centuries. At the begin- 
ning of the 17th century A.D.» rice was sold at Surat at about ' 

32 seers a rupee/ We know the prices of a number of other I, 

articles in the 17th century e. wheat, gram, etc., but unfortu- ' ■ "" i 
nateiy the corresponding prices in our period are unknown. I 

The only price that can be. compared is that of rice and this ^ 

is fortunately an article that can be well utilised in this 
connection. By the middle of. the last century rice was sold !' 

in the Deccan at about 21 seers a rupee; my grand uncle, who 
recently died at the age of 90, had purchased this commodity i 

at this rate in the sixties of the last century. It would, 'jl 

therefore, appear that the rise in prices from the 10th to the 
middle of the 1 9th century was only about 50%. , j; 

Whether the Deccan administrations of our period used 
to control the prices or not is not known. Kautaiya favours || 

such a procedure, for according to him it was one of the ||| 

duties of the Superintendent of Market, Papyadhyalcsha, to f| 

regulate prices; any excess price that- was realised by the .||| 

vendor was confiscated to the state Somadeva, 'U 

Deccanese writer of our period, favours the same proposal 
It cannot be, however, confidently argued that Somadeva's 
rule was based upon contemporary practice in the Deccan, 
for in many places be merely summarises the Arthasastra of 
Kaufalya. Whether prices were regulated by the state or 
not, must therefore be left an open question. 

Let us now ascertain the cost of living in our period. 

We have seen already that a capital outlay of 16 or 17 
Kafanius was sufficient to supply a rich meal throughout the 
year. Unfortunately the rate of interest is not slated, so no 
very accurate conclusions are possible from this inscription. 

An inscription of the time of Uttamachola gives the exact 

137. Morclaswl, From Akbar to Aurangzebp p* 171. 

138. IV, 2; II, 16. 139. mtimk0mrta, VIII, 16. 



expenses of a rich meal ; of the .perioci. * For^ feeding 25 

Brahrnanas in the," feeding house required* fori year^ 
937|“ Kalam of paddy for. vegetables, firewood* ghee, curds, 
different spices,, betel leaves- and nuts, including the pay of 
the cooks, at the rate of 1 ,Kurui>i and 2 Nari of paddy per day 
for each person,; Another record, about 25 years later*, 
makes provision for: the purchase of 25 Kalams of paddy in 
order to supply one meal to 240 S'iva-yogins. Both these 
records lead to the same conclusion, viz,, 371 Kalams of 
paddy were required to supply a good meal to one individual 
throughout the year, 37|- Kalams of paddy are equal to 15- 
Kalams or about 540 seers of rice; seer are thus seen 
provided for each individual per diem. The cost in cash 
per individual per annum would be 3| Kajanjus { since paddy 
was sold at about 10 Kalams per Kalanju ), i. e. about Rs. 19, 
since one golden Kalanju weighed about a quarter of a tola. 

The cost of a poor meal seems to have been half of this 
amount. An inscription of the time of Parantaka I (f. e. of 
the first half of the 10th century A.D.) records an investment of 
only four Kaianjus for feeding one Jain devotee at the local Jain 
temple. The rate of interest is unfortunately not stated, but 
it is worth noting that the capital invested is about one fourth 
of that invested for supplying a rich meal to a Brahmana at 
Ukkal. The Jain devotee is allowed only one meal in the daj^ 
and that too is to be very simple. For two ordinary meals a 
day, we may, therefore, assume that a capital outlay of about 
6 or 7 Kaianjus would have been necessary. We may, there- 
fore, conclude that the cost of a simple meal was less than 
half of that of the rich meal* The latter required 37|- Kalams 
of paddy per annum per individual ; the annual expenses of 
an ordinary meal could under no circumstances have exceeded 
20 Kalams of paddy i, e. 288 seers of rice. Allowance of rice 

140. S. I. L, III, No, ISl. 
142, S. L L,Tn, No. 97. 

14L S. L L, n. No. 28. 



per day per individual will be found to be t of a seer under 
this arrangement and that is quite sufficient to meet all the 
expenses connected with two ordinary meals consisting of the 
usual soups and vegetables. 

Lei us now ascertain the wages of our period and see 
how far they were above the subsistence allowance. 

Some of the records from Karnatak supply us informa- 
tion about the wages of the various classes, but there arises 
considerable difficult}^ in interpreting them. The inscriptions 
inform us that so many Matlars of land were assigned to 
certain persons as their annual wages of work The net 
produce of the land given is not stated, and we do not also 
know the precise dimensions of a Mattar. The grant of a 
Sdlahara prince records an assignment of 2000 Mattars, mea- 
sured by the Tambola rod of the village, of two Mattars mea- 
sured by the Magun rod, and of the three Mattars measured 
by the small rod of the paddy fields. Since one and . the., 
same record mentions three different measures of the Mattar, 
it is clear that the unit differed considerably with the different 
localities. An inscription from Tilgund^^^^^ states that the 
yield of a Mattar was two Khandugas n e.. Khandis which are 
equal to 40 maunds by measure ( and not by weight ). The 
net produce per acre varies from 6 to 12 maunds in the 
Deccan according to the quality of the soil, and since the net 
yield per Mattar is given as 40 maunds, we may assume that 
this measure was equal to about five acres. An inscription 
from Managoli states that five . Mattars were ' assigned ■ to 
the teacher of the Kaumara grammar and two Mattars to each 
of the 4 Brahmana families constituting the settlement of the 
god. The salary of the village- Sanskrit teacher of our period 
was thus 2|- the amount necessary for an ordinary Brahmana 
family to live in ease. We do not know the net produce of 

144v' I, A., X!X/p. 274 a. 29. 

143, E, i., IV, p. 66. 
145. E. L. V, p. 22, 

the lands given in endowment, and so me salary uc 

stated either in terms of com or of cash. If we assume that 
a Mattar is equal to 5 acres, and each acre yielded 8 maunds 
'of Jwari. the income of the Sanskrit teacher would oe 200 

maunds of Jwari and of the temple Brahmana 80 maunds of 

Twari ( by measure ). An ordinary family of 5 m the Deccan 
would require about 40 maunds of Jwari for its entire meal 
expenses, including ghee, oil, fuel &c. The temple Brahmana 
family was getting a fairly decent income, and the Sanskrit 
teacher was getting 5 times the amount necessary tor t *e 

maintenance of his family. 

TheHebbal inscription, dated 975 records an 

assignment of five Mattars to each of the temple dancing girls. 
This apparently seems to show that the Sanskrit Pandit was 
getting the same salary as the dancing girl, but we must 
remember that the respective lands were situated in ditterent 
localities and their quality and produce may have been 

The salary of the principal of a big Sanskrit College was 
50 Nivartanas. A Nivartana was a little less than 5 acres, 

and therefore, this salary would be equal to the net produce 
of 250 acres of land. We do not know the quality of this 
piece of land, but if we suppose that it was neither too bad 
nor loo good, the conclusion would be that the principals of 

famous colleges were getting about 20 times the income oi 

the ordinary Brahmana, and 10 limes the income of the village 
Sanskrit teacher. This conclusion is. however, a tentative 
one as it is not based on sure premises, since neither the 
dimensions of a Mattar nor its precise produce is definitely 

known, i 

Definite information about wages is, however, available 

from contemporary records hailing from Tamil country. An 
inscription of Rajaraja ' at Tanjore^'®’ gives the scales of the 

1,1#; p 1. IV r,.351. 147. E. IV. p. 60. 148 . S, I. 1.. H. p- 320, 


398 education AND LITERATURE 

his 75 Kalams. the sub-accountant alone seems to be in a 
comparatively unsatisfactory position ; his family members 

were probably unearning ones, and hence his 7o ^^alams 
could just have maintained 3 adults and 2 children. But e 
was probably at the beginning of his career and may have 
expected to be promoted to the position of the accountant in 
due course. While considering the family budgets ot our 
period, we must further remember that each family was 
largely self-reliant as far as its clothing requirements were 
concerned. • People, therefore, were comparatively better 
off than they are at present ; for the grain equivalents of the 
present-day wages do not come up to the sarne figures. 1 e 
same conclusion is supported if we consider the salaries after 
converting them into cash. The drawer of water was getting 
in our period 60 Kalams in rural areas: 60 Kalams are equal 
to 6 Kalanjus or 30 rupees. The prices m the present times 
are 7 times higher than they were in the 10th century, and, 
therefore, in order to be equally well off. the unskilled labourer 
in the village ought to get Rs. 210. He. however, hardly gets 
.more than Rs. 150-180 at present. 

Education and Literature 
Section A: Education 

The theory that the compulsory education of the 
masses is a duty of the state is a very modem one, and we 

must banish it from our minds while examining the educa- 
tional arrangements in the medieval or ancient times, whether 
in the west or in the east. The knowledge of the 3 R s was 

nPt regarded as a necessary part of the equiprnent of every 

-Citizen; members of the industrial classes paid more atten- 
tion to ihe initiatbn of their hoys in the mysteries of their 



professions than in those of the 3 R*s, The village communi* 
ties of the Deccan had arranged for the services of a per* 
manent residential staff to meet their normal public needs 
by the grain -share system; the carpenter, the smith etc,* 
whose services were required by every villager were assigned 
a grain share which was paid to them annually at the time of 
the harvest by all the villagers. The teacher does not figure 
among the grain sharing servants of the community, a fact 
wdiich shows that the community at large did not regard the 
primary teacher as essentially necessary for the ordinary 
inllager. It is very probable that only the children of the 
Brahmanas and the trading classes cared to be literate, and 
the arrangements for educating them could not be obviously 
made at the cost of the whole community, by assigning the 
village teacher a grain share from every villager* 

Our epigraphical materials do not throw any light on 
: the arrangements made in the oi"dinary village for the. primary 
education. ■ Nor do the Smritis or the foreign travellers help" 
us in the matter. It would seem that the village priest, or 
accountant, or some members of their families were under- 
taking the task of giving primary education to such village 
boys as cared to have it. The guardians were very probably 
paying the fees annually at the time of the harvest, accord- 
ing to their means, rather than according to a fixed scale* 
The teacher could supplement his income by the customary 
gifts in kind or cash that he used to receive on festivals like 
Dasara, or at the times of the thread or marriage ceremonies 
in the houses of his pupils. In many cases the teacher pro- 
bably possessed some elementary knowledge of medicine and 
was also employed for writing letters, bonds and leases* 
Some such system prevailed in the Deccan at the advent of 
the British rule as I have learnt from many an octogenarian, 
and it is vary likely that the state of affairs may have been 
similar in our period* 

400 education and literature 

We have ample evidence to enlighten us as to the 
arrangements for higher education that were made during 
our period. Higher education in our age meant Sanskrit 
education, and Veda, Vyakaraija ( pammar ). Jyotisha 
( astronomy and astrology ), Sahitya ( literature ), Mimansa, 
Dharmas’astra, Puratjas and Nyaya (logic) were the main 
branches thereof. The donee of the Dhulia plates of Dhruva, 
dated 779 A.D., is described as well versed in Vedas, 
Vedangas. histoiy. Puranas, grammar, Mimaiisa. logic, 
Nirukta. and liturgy. Of these grammar is still the most 
extensively studied branch; Alberuni informs us that it was 
held in the highest estimation in his days, and curiously 
enough, the only place where epigraphs of our period specify 
the subject of a teacher is one -where he happens to be the 
expounder of Kaumara grammar. Grammar was the key 
subject to the knowledge of the rest of the sciences and, 
therefore, we may well presume that it was held in high 

estimation and extensively studied in the Deccan as m the 

The Dharmas'astra literature no doubt lays down that 
the whole of the Veda was to be studied for 12 years by the 
first three castes, but it is fairly clear that the ^ society 
(rf our period did not pay much attention to this injunction. 
The Vaishyas of our period had already lost their privilege ot- 
the Vedic studies as has been already shown in the last 
chapter/" and the Kshatriyas too. though permitted *-0 study 
the Vedas, were largely following the Pauranic ritual. ' The 
normal Kshatriya youth, who intended to follow the hereditary 
profession of his caste, must have devoted the largest part of 
; Tiis time to the military training. Even in the epic period he 
"had only a smattering of the Vedic knowledge, and we may, 
th^fore, well conclude that in our period the cases of the 

; V li r & L VlII p- 182. ■ .2, E. I. V. p. 22. 

3» page 382. ■ ■ 4. ' Ante, p. 332. 



Kshatriyas taking seriously to Vedic education may have been 
very rare. Among the Brahmanas themselves, only the pro- 
fessional priests must have concentrated on the study of the* 
sacred Itore; the average Brahmana who intended to take up 
to government service, trade or agriculture would hardly have 
troubled himself much about remembering the exact accent 
of the V’^eclic Mantras. Vedic sacrifices too had gone out of 
vogue and epi graphical evidence shows that the Puranas 
and the later Smritis were exercising a remarkable hold on 
the societ}^ as shown already in Chapter XIIL Proficiency in 
the Dharmasastra must have been regarded as a passport to 
government service in the iudicial branch, and we may, there- 
fore, presume that the study of this subject was more popular 
in our period than the study of the Vedas. It may be pointed 
out that the term Vedic study in our period did not mean 
only the cramming of the Vedic Mantras ; in some centres 
the meaning was also studied as the title Vedarthada occur- 
ring in one of our records would show.^^^ Astrology was 
wielding great influence on the popular mind as shown in the 
last chapter ; royal courts used to maintain astrologers 
and a number of works on astronomy and astrology were 
composed in our period. We may, therefore, well presume 
that this subject was fairly popular in the Sanskrit schools 
and colleges of our time as is still the case to some extent. 
One record slightlj^ falling outside our period records an 
endowment to found a College where the work of the famous 
Bhaskara alone were to be studied. 

Arrangement for the higher education was made in three 
places, (i) Mathas associated with temples endowed by the 
state or private charity, (ii) agrahara villages granted to 
Brahmana settlements, and (iii) special educational institu- 
tions conducted by private individuals or village communities 
with the help of the public and the state. At Hebbal in 

5. !, An XIV, p, 69. 6. Kavi plates, L A.. V., p. 145, 7. E. L, I, p, 30* 



Dharwar district there existed a Matha in the BhujiabesVara 
temple; an inscription, dated 975 A.D., records the grant of 50 
maiiars ( probably equal to 200 acres ) of land for the Maffia, 
where students were fed and taught. Two 12th century 
inscriptions, one from Managoli dated 116! and the 

other from Belgamve dated 1185 show that there 

existed Sanskrit schools in these villages associated with the 
local temples; at the latter place the temple authorities of 
the DakshinesVara temple, where the school was located, 
were enabled by private charity to provide for the boarding 
of the scholars free of charge. An inscription at Jatiga 
RamesVara hill in Chitaldurg district, dated 1064 A.D., 
records a grant of 50 mattars of land to the RamesVaram 
temple for defraying the expenses of the temple worship, and 
for imparting education/^^^ ‘ Part of the donation of 
Bhadravishjju, given to the Buddhist Vihara at Kanheri, in 
the reign of Amoghavarsha I, was for purchasing books. The 
Buddhist monastery at Kanheri like the one at Valabhi^^^^ 
was obviously maintaining a library which was very probably 
required for the school connected with it. We learn from 
the Chinese travellers that the Buddhist monasteries used 
to attend to the training not only of the monks but also of 
the children of the laity. Indirect help to the cause of 
education was given by some of the temples, which used to 
give free food to the students in the feeding houses attached 
to them, Some of the records mentioned above fall just 
outside our period, but they may be well utilised to illustrate 
further the state of affairs in our age. 

The Kalas inscription from Dharwar district shows 
that Kalas, which was an agrakara in our period, 


8. E. L, IV, p, 358. 

10. Mysore Inscriptions, No. 45. 

12, L A,. VII, p. 67, 

II* Klmrepetaa grant, E, L* III, p. 360, 

9 E* L, V. p. 22. 
11. E. L. IV, p. ,214- 
13. l-fcsing, p. 155. 
15. E. L. XIII, p, 31 



maintaining a Sanskrit College. All its 200 Brahmana house- 
holders are described in v. 30 of the record as well versed in 
grammar, works on polity, the science of literary composition, 
the legendary lore and the great logic of Ekakshara sage and 
writing of Interpretations L e. commentaries. V. 25 observes 
that Kalas can pride itself, inter alia, on its brilliant dispensa- 
tion of lore. The main purpose of the grant is to record an 
endowment, part of which was reserved for the salaries of 
professors. It is, therefore, quite clear that this agrahara village 
was maintaining a college where grammar, Puranas, Nyaya, 
literature and works on polity were taught. The students 
must have flocked to the place from distant places. The 
inscription, which gives information about this college is dated 
in the reign of Govinda fV, but it is likely that this institution 
may have been flourishing throughout the 10th century. 

The small village of Salotgi in Bijapur district was 
another airaham village, that is known to have been main- 
taining a big college in the reign of Krshpa liL The college 
must have been flourishing for a fairly long time, for it has 
transformed the original name of the village Pavittage into 
Salofgi which is a combination of the words S^ala and Pavi|- 
tage. From one of the inscriptions from this iocality^^^^ 
we learn that the college was located in a big hail attached 
to the temple of Trayi-purusha, which was built by Nara- 
yana, a minister of Krshna III, in 945 A.D. The record 
expressly states that the, college attracted students from far 
and near, and 27 boarding houses were necessary to accom- 
modate them. An endowment of 12 Nivartanas ( probably 
■equal to 60 acres) was necessary to defray merely the 
lighting charges of the institution. The pay of the principal 
of the college was the income of 50 Nivartanas of land L e. 
about 250 acres. The institute had received a magnificent 
endowment from a local magnate, and the inhabitants of 
16. E. L, iV. p. 60. 


the village had agreed to pay 5, and !:( coins on the 
occasion of marriages, thread ceremonies, and tonsures res- 
pectively, besides agreeing to feed as many students and 
teachers as possible, at the dinners that may be given on these 
and similar occasions. A later inscription from the same 
place inforais^^’^^ -us: that .-when the college hai! built in- 
945 A.D. crumbled down, it was built again by a local feuda- 
tory in tbe next century. ■ ■ " 

There existed scores of villages in our period 

given to Brahmana donees, who in many cases are expressly 
described as engaged in the six scriptural duties consisting 
of learning, teaching It is, therefore, fairly likely 

that many of these villages must have been maintaining 
educational institutions, more or less similar to those at 
Kaias and Salotgi. 

Ordinary villages also had sometimes their own schools 
and colleges. One institution for Sanskrit education existed 
at Bel or in Bijapur district in 1022 another at Soratur 

in Dharwar district in c* 950 a third one at Bijapur 

during c. 975-1075 A.D.,^^^^ a. fourth one at ^ Yewoor, in. 1077' 
A.B. and so on. These are the institutions the memory of 
which has been accidentally preserved in records, that have 
withstood the ravages of time : there may have probably 
existed many more. We may, therefore, fairly conclude that 
the facilities for higher education during our period can 
compare fairly well with those afforded in the present age. 

These institutions were financed partly by state aid and 
partly by private charity. The agrahara village institutions 
can well be regarded as being indirectly financed by the 

^ 17. E. L. IV, p. 64. 

■ ' 18* E* g., CytiarEjadeva's grant, 1024 A.D.# L A., V, p, 278. 

' 19.’ L A., XVIll, p. 273. ■ 20. L A.* XII, p. 253. 

2L I A., X,:p. 229, ; . 22. LA., VIII, p. 21. 



state, since it was the state that used to alienate the village 
revenues to Brahmanas, who, being freed from the anxiety 
of their maintenance, could devote their energies to the cause 
of education. The ishiapurta theory was inducing a number 
of private individuals to endow educational institutions. We 
have seen already how a minister of Krshna III had built the 
college hall at Salotgi ; when it crumbled down it was re- 
erected by a local chief. A record from Soratur/^^^ dated 
951 A.D., records the gift of 12 mattm^s of land made by the 
officer of the division for the Matha and education. The 
Mahajans of Belur had granted in 1022 A.D., 12 maitars for the 
purpose of feeding and clothing the local students. At 
Salotgi, as shown already, a local magnate had endowed the 
college and the inhabitants had levied a voluntary cess as 
their contribution. At Habale in Dharwar district a private 
individual had given five maitars of land for education in 
1084 A.D. 

The guild at Dambal, which owned IS cities, is describ- 
ed in a record from the place as maintaining a college/*^^ 
it is, therefore, not unlikely that some of the big guilds of our 
period may have been either maintaining or supporting 
educational institutions. The state also used to sanction 
grants specially and directly for education, in addition to its 
indirect help given by the creation of the agrakaras. The 
Bahur plates of Nripatungavarman record a grant of three 
villages for the maintenance of a college, made by the king 
at the request of his minister/®^^ 

Section B : Literature 

A detailed discussion about the dates of the various 
authors of our period, or an enquiry into the problem connected 
with the authorship of some of the works composed in it, is 

23. L A., X!!, p. 253. , 24 . Ibid, X. p. 129. 

21 1. A., Vie. p. 181 26. E. I., IV, p. ISO. 


obviously not within the scope of the present work The reader 
will have to consult the standard works on literary history 
for that purpose. The general condition of the literature of 
our period, its main features, the principal writers of the age 
and their contributions, and how far they were influenced 
by the spirit of the age would be the main points that will 
engage the attention of a ■ general historian, and these only 
will be discussed in the present section. 

The main energy of the schools and colleges described 
in the last section was devoted to the study and cultivation of 
Sankrit; the Canarese literature had begun to flourish in 
Karnatak, but it is doubtful whether it had reached the stage 
when it could be recognised as a subject of study in second- 
ary schools and colleges. As to Maharashtra, the Marathi 
language itself does not make its appearance in epigraphical 
records ‘till the end of our period there could hardly 
have existed much literature in it. Even the late Mr. V. K. 
Rajwada has admitted that there was hardly any cultured 
literature in it till the end of the 10th century 

A glance at the inscriptions of our period is sufficient 
to indicate the firm hold of the kavya or classical style of 
writing upon the Deccan of our period. All the merits and 
defects of that style are reflected in our epigraphs. The com- 
posers of our grants were no doubt poets of mediocre ability, 
but they had carefully studied standard works of the 
classical Sanskrit literature. Kielhorn has shown how the 
poets, who have composed the s'asanas of the RashtrakOlas 
were greatly indebted for their expressions to works like the 
Vasavadatta of Subandhu and Kadamhan and Harshacharii 

27, Rajvade’s contention that the language e3sci8te<l in the 5th 
century A,D*t ia untenable; the inscriptions he refers to are either- 
f'drgedi or do not contain any Marathi passages. 

28. Rajvade. Jnyan&s'vari^ Introduction, p. 62. 


Tile aulhor of the Kadba ■ plates of Govioda 
imitates in the prose portion of the record the style of Bajja* 
The general impression left on our mind after a perusal of the 
epigraphical poetiy is that if it is not of the first, 
order, the reason is rather the lack of Praiibha or poetic 
genius than that of abhyasa or practice according to approv- 
ed model it is further interesting to note that most of our- 
epigraphical poetry is in the VaiJarbhi style, the Gau^t hardly 
makes its appearance. The significant fact would show that 
the names like Vaidarbhh Gaudi and PanchEll, that were.- 
given to various poetic styles owed their origin to actual 
literary fashions of the provinces concerned. 

Modern research has succeeded in determining the dates, 
of several writers in Sanskrit literature, but it has not been 
equally successful in discovering their home provinces. 
Kumarila, Sankara, Sarvajnatman and Vachaspati in the realm 
of philosoph3^ Lalla and his pupil Aryabhatta il in the sphere 
of astronomy, and Kamandaka, and probably Sukra^^^^ in 
the domain of the political science flourished in our period. 
But some of these certainly did not, belong to our province,, 
and the home of others is not known; so a discussion about 
them is hardly relevant in the present work. The same is 
the case with most of the later Smritis and Puranas. It has. 
been already’' shown in several places in chapter XHI how the 
theories and practices recommended in these works had a 
remarkable hold on the Deccan of our period. It is clear 
that the Smritis and Puranas of our age were in close 
sympathy with it, and that the two were mutually influencing, 
each other. 

m E. IV. p. 340, 

31. TLe reference to guns and gua-powder in tKis may only 

allow that aome portioos in it are ioterpolationia* Tb® book as a whole 
seems to be «ot much later than our age. 



It was during our period that the literature on poetics 
flourished luxuriantly in the beautiful valley of Kashmir. 
The rugged Deccan had, however, hardly any contribution to 
make to that department. The Sarasvaiikanihcihharana of 
Bhoja and the Knnamsasana of Hemachandra belong to a 
later period and are besides mere compilations. The Kavi- 
rSjamSria of Amoghavarsha shows that works of poetics 
were studied in the Deccan durbg our period, for the work 
as mainly based on the KavySdafs a of Daijdin; but no 
Deccanese writer came forward with any distinctive contribu- 
tion of his own to that science. 

Hindu Sanskrit writers, having any compositions of 
permanent value to their credit, are indeed few in our period. 
The colophon of the Benares edition of the KarpUramanjarl 
of Rajasekhara describes the author as the crest jewel of 
Maharashtra, but this province can hardly claim that poet 
since he spent most of his life at Kanauj or Tripuri. 
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has shown that Trivikrama, the author 
of the NalachampS, is identical with the Trivikrama, who has 
composed the Begumra plate of Indra III, dated S15 
The NalachampS. is the earliest of the extant champSs, and 
therefore, the Deccan may perhaps claim to be the first in 
that field. The Kavirahasya of Halayudha was composed 
in the reign of Krshpa III. The poem is really a dhatapaiha 
explaining the conjugational peculiarities of roots having the 
same form, but the verses also contain a eulogy of the 
RashtrakCta emperor Kyshiia The work, therefore, 

belongs to the class of BhatiikSaya and Rammrjamya. 
The U dayasundafikaths of Sodhala, a Ifeyastha from Valabhi, 
was composed towards the close of our period under the 
patronage of Mummuniraja, a king of Konkan.'®^’ These 

. 32. E. I.. IX, p. 28. 

■ • 33^ GeBchickte^ III* p. B. G» L* ii, p* wo* 

. , 34. iCmfcli. Bistory ofSamlcrii MiBrature, p, 06. 


are the only Hindu Sanskrit works that can be undisputedly 
. ascribed to the Deccan of our period. The output is indeed 
poor both in quantity and quality. 

Many Rashtrakuta emperors like Amoghavarsha I, 
’Krshna and Indra III were either themselves Jains or patrons 
of that religion; the same was the case with many of their 
feudatories and officers as shown in chapter It is, 

therefore, no wonder that the contribution of Jainism to litera- 
ture sl'iould have been considerable. Haribhadra flourished 
by the middle of the 8th century A.D., but his works cannot be 
considered here as his province is not known. Samantabhadra, 
the author of the Api^Tnimansa^ which contains a most in- 
teresting exposition of the Syadmda, flourished before our 
period, but several commentaries were written on his work 
in the Deccan from the middle of the 8th century A.D. onwards. 
Akalankadeva's commentary Ashfasati was written early in 
the Rashtrakuta period. S'ravana-Belgola inscription No. 67 
'.refers to Akalankadeva as describing his. own ' greatness ,tO' 
Sahasatunga who, it is conjectured, may have been Danti- 
durga. There is a tradition to the effect that Akalankadeva 
himself was a son of Ktshna but more evidence would 
be required to accept it as historical. Vidyananda, the 
author of AshfasaMsri, which is a more exhaustive, com- 
mentary on the Aptamlmansa, flourished a little later. He 
is mentioned in SVavana Belgola inscriptions. 

The Jain contribution to logic in our period is not incon- 
siderable. Manikyanandin, who flourished in the latter half 
of the Sth century is the author of a work on logic called 
Parlkshamukhasntra,^^^'^ which was commented upon by 
Prabhachandra in the first half of the 9th century. Besides 
writing this commentary which is named as Frame yakSmala- 

35. Ante^ pp, 310"*4, 56. Peterson’s Report, No. 2, p« 79. 

37. E. C., II, No. 254. 

38. Vi4yal>li«sli0a, A of Indian Logie, p. 179. 

mSrtanSa this writer has also written f 

daya. Another Jain writer on logic of this Pf 

vadin. who ivas probably the founder of a Jam Digam^a 

monastery at Naosari which is no longer 

Surat plates of Karkha Suvarpavarsha which I am editing,. 
(E I., XXi). record a grant to his desciple s desaple given m 
821 A.D. This author wrote a commentary called Dharmottara- 
tippanaka on the Nyayahindum of Dharmottaracharya. 

That a book on logic written by a Buddhist should have ueen 
commented upon by a Jain is quite in consonance with the 
spirit of harmony that prevailed in our period. 

Quite a galaxy of Jain writers flourished the court o 

the Jain emperor Amoghavarsha I. who was we^^^ "n^asen? 
several centuries as a great patron of literature. ^ Jm 
his spiritual preceptor, is the author of Harivans a. w ic was 
finished in 783 A.D. He has placed the workers in the le 
of Ancient Indian history under great obligation by mention- 
ing the contemporary kings that flourished in t at year m 
the colophon of this work. He did not live to finish ks 
Adipurana, which had to be completed by ks descip e 
Gunachandra, who %vas the spiritual preceptor of Lokaditya, 
the'governor of Banavasi 12000.'*'’ The Ad ipurara is a Jam 
work dealing with the lives of Jain Tlrthankaras and saints. 

In his Pars’ mbhudaya Jinasena has f ' 

ful feat of utilising each line of the love-poem Meghaduta jor 
narrating the life of the Jain saint Pariva. The concluding 
line of each verse in Jinasena s poem has been borrowed 
from the successive stanzas of the Meghadnta. The Amo- 
ghaartti of S'akalayana.'**’ a work on grammar, and the 
Ganitasarasangraha of Virachatya.'«’a workon mathematics, 
alert rnmoosed in tKe reign of Amoghnvars a 


KavirajamSrga^ the first work in the Canarese on poetics, haS' 
been attriboted to this emperor, but 'whether he was himself 
its author or merely its inspirer, is still a matter of controver- 
The authorship of the Pras notiaramala is also in 
dispute, as it has been variously attributed to S'ankaracharya,. 
Vimaia, and Amoghavarsha I. The colophon of the Tibetan 
translation of this bookiet shows, as Dr* F* W, Thomas ' has 
pointed out, that Amoghavarsha was believed to be its author 
at the time it was rendered into the Tibetan/^^^ It is, there- 
fore, very likely that he was its real author. ' ■ 

Gangadhara, the capital of a feudatory Chalukya house 
in southern Karnatak, was a centre of considerable literai'y 
activity by the middle of the 10th century. It was there that 
Somadeva flourished and wrote his works Yasastilaka and 
Nitwakyamria^'^^^* The first of these works, though sec- 
tarian in purpose is of no inconsiderable literary merit ; it 
belongs to the variety of the Champu and its author shows 
considerable skill in the treatment of his theme. The second 
work is on the science of politics; it has, however, hardly 
much independent value as it is largely based on the Afiha* 
s&sira of Kaufalya, The work is, however, almost entirely 
free from any sectarian tinge and is written from a much 
higher moral point than the Arihas' astra of Kaulalya. 

Karnatak was a great stronghold of Jainism in our 
period and the Jain authors had not forgotten that the founder 
of their religion had preached in the vernacular. We, there- 
fore, find a number of Canarese authors in the lOth century,, 
most of whom were Jains. The earliest and foremost among, 
these is Pampa, who was born in 902 A.D. Though a native 
of Andhrades'a he became the Uiikam of the Canarese- 
literature. His Adipuram, which was finished in 941 A.D., is 
a Jain work, but his Vikramarjunavijaya is a more or less 

44, 1. A., 1904, pp, 199. 45. J, B. B. R. A. S., XXII, pp. 80 fl, 

46. Ym'miUaMchampu* p. 419, 


historical work, where he glorifies his patron Arikesarin !! as 
It* is from this work that we get valuable 
information about the northern campaigns of Indra III in 
which his feudatoiy, Arikesarin II, had participated* Asanga 
and Jinachandra are other Canarese writers of this period, 
who are referred to by Ponna. but whose works are not yet 
lorthcoming* Ponna himself flourished in the third quarter 
of the 10th century and is said to have been given the title of 
’* Uhhayakavichakramrtin * * Supreme among the poets of 
both {n e, Sanskrit and Canarese) the languages* by Krshna OL 
©n account of his proficiency as a poet both in Sanskrit 
and Canarese. S' antipurana is his principal work/'*'^^ 

Chamundaraya, a Jain general and minister of the Jain ruler 
Marasimha il, was the author of the ChamnnAapurana which 
was composed in the 3rd quarter of the 10th century/ 
Raniia, another Canarese writer of the 10th century, was born 
in 949 A,D. His Ajitatirihankarapuram was finished in 993 
A.D* That Jain religious works of our period should 
have been mostly composed in the form of Puranas shows 
the immense influence and popularity of these works in the 
Deccan of our period. 

It is interesting to note that there is hardly any output of 
Prakrit or Marathi literature during our period. Dhanapa!a*s 
Prakrit dictionary, Pmyalachchhl^ was composed in our period 
‘but the author lived in Dhara^ and not in the Deccan, and his 
work being a dictionary, can hardly come within the category 
of literature. The Marathi language existed in our period, 
•for the earliest composition in it seems to go back to tbe 3rd 
,/q[uarter of the 10th cenmry There is, however, no 

, ,, 47. KarnatcpkahhashahhliBham^ Introduction, pp. Xlil-XIV, 

? ' MU. p. XV. 49, E. L. V, P. 175. 50. E. I.. VI p., 72. 

SI, 3ee BLiivc; Mahur^htm^SaMt§a, Chap. 1. It may he, liowe¥er, 
out felmfc the *Bri^chaMu^damiie harmi^ale* on the 

; 'Cteipaiwwa'katw may not he contemporary with ChSmtindaraya. 



Marathi literature belonging to' our Marathi was not 

the mother tongue of the Rashtrakutas and Jainism, which 
had given an impetus to Canarese literature, was not very- 
strong in Maharashtra. It is, therefore, no surprise that there 
should have been no output of the Marathi literature during 
our period. 



Our task of giving a comprehensive picture of the Deccan 
under the Rashtrakutas has now come to an end/and only a' 
few words are necessary by way of epilogue. 

The Rashtrakutas were, on the whole, an able set of 
rulers. Their empire was certainly more extensive than that 
of any of their Hindu successors in the Deccan. It is 
possible that the Andhras and the early Chaiuhyas, who- 
preceded them, were perhaps ruling, for some time, over 
more extensive areas; but neither of them could claim an 
equally brilliant career* The Chalukyas could boast of 
having only repelled successfully the attempted invasion of 
Harsha. The Andhras could no doubt launch an expedition 
into the Madhyadesa and overthrow the Kanvas, but the 
latter, at the time of the Andhra victory,, were mere petty 
rulers. In no other period of Ancient Indian History did the 
Deccan enjoy the same liigh political prestige, which it did 
under the Rashtrakutas. The observation of Sulaiman, iha^ 
the Rashtrakutas were the most feared and powerful rulers of 
. India, is no flattery, but a mere statement of facts, A glance 
at the Indian History shows that it is usually the northern ^ 

52. The Marathi translation of the Panchatuntra seems to he slightM' 
more archaic than the D'mnes*vari^'hm it cannot go hack to our perio- 
See ioshi* MantM Bhu^h^cM QhutuTiMf 



Indian powers which try to expand at the cost of their 
southern neighbours. During the-Rashtrakuta regime, neither 
the Palas nor the Gurjara-Pratlharas could entertain such 
ambitions. Nay, we find that the latter were several limes 
‘signally defeated in their own provinces by the Ras|rakii{as, 
Three times the armies of the Rashtrakutas crossed the 
Vindhyas and defeated their northern opponents, who were, 
unlike the Ka^vas, strong and ambitious rulers, attempting to 
establish their own hegemony in the 'north. The Rlishtrakutas 
could capture the Gurjara-Prailhara capital; the latter could 
not even cross the Rashtrakuta border in retaliation. 
The Pallavas were a perpetual source of anxiety to the early 
Chalukyas; no southern neighbour of the Rashtrakutas, though 
given repealed provocation, ever dared to invade the empire 
from the south. 

The Rashtrakuta empire lasted for about 225 years. It 
is interesting to note that very few Hindu dynasties have 
ruled in their full glory for so long a period. The Mcuryas, 
the Imperial Guptas, the early _^Chaluky as all collapsed in 
.less than two centuries. The Andhras no doubt ■ ruled for 
about four centuries and a half, but it is not certain that the 
Pauranic list of the Andhra kings belongs really to one dynasty. 
The Gudura-Pratihlra dynasty can certainly claim a longer 
career, but it had attained no imperial position before the time 
of Vatsaraja ( c. 775 A.D. ), and its empire was shorn of much 
of its glory after the severe blow given by Indra III in c, 916 A.D* 
Most of the Rashtrakuta rulers were able ones ; in a list of 
-about 14 kings, only three are found to be vicious or inefficient. 
Dantidurga, Kxshna i, Dhruva, Govinda III, Indra III and 
Krshna III form a galaxy of able and ambitious rulers, the 
like of which can hardly be claimed by any other dynasty. 

’ , ' The most glaring defect of the R^htrakuta polity was 

dW' inability to secure a peaceful succession to the throne at 
the^eatb of its previous occupant There was a war of 


“successbii almost at every alternate accession. The dynastic 
history of no other Hindu dynasty is probably disfigured by 
so many wars of succession. It is, therefore, the more 
remarkable that the empire should have had so long and 

glorious a career. 

A superficial reader of the Muslim chroniclers is likely 
•to get the impresion that the Rashtrakutas were following 
an anti-national policy hy siding with the Muslims and fight- 
ing against the Gurjara-Pratiharas. It has been, however, 
shown alread5!^^^^ that the statements of these writers, that 
the Rashtrakutas were partial to the Muslims, and that none 
but the Muslims ruled over the Muslims in their dominions, 
only show that the Muslim Kazis were allowed to look 
after the religious and judicial affairs of the foreign colony. 
The friendly policy followed towards the Muslim traders 
■was, in a great measure, necessitated by the dependence 
on Arabia for the supply of horses to the army. Merchant 
Sulaiman, who was acquainted with the state of affairs 
■only in the Deccan, observes that none among the natives 
•of India or China had embraced the Muslim faith or could 
speak the Arabic language/*^ It is, therefore, clear that the 
Muslim traders, settled in the Rashtrakuta ports, had 
initiated no activities injurious to the interest of the Rashtra- 
fcutas or their subjects. There is no evidence whatsoever 
to show that the Rashtrakutas had made any political 
alliance with the Muslim rulers of Sindh in their w^ars with 
the Gurjara-Pratiharas. 

It is, however, a pity that the Rashtrakutas should have 
neglected altogether the branch of naval defence. The 
reasons for this have been already discussed.^^^ This weak-- 
ness of the administration was, however, not peculiar to the 

r I. p. 187. 2. Sulaiman Saudagar, Hin4i traaalatioo, p. 84. 

3. See p. 2-47. 



tesh Irakli tas. for iT»st of ike Deccan empires Imd negiected 
tkc naval arm^ It musi, however* t>e rememl»red that no 
naval invasion of the Deccan had occurred in historic times;- 
il is* therefore, ip a way natural that it may have been 
thought that it' was unnecessary to waste any money over the 
navy. Safety of the oversea trade, however, aught to have 
opened the eyes of the Hindu governments to the necessity 
cl the navy. 

The careful student of the Hindu histoiy cannot help' 

, f%retting that the political thinkers in India should ever have 
.adumbrated the principle that a conqueror should not sup* 
plant, but merely reduce, the conquered king, and that it 
should have been so widely respected. The resources of the 
empires, like those of the RashtrakOtas, were unnecessarily 
frittered away in suppressing the rebellions of feudatories, 
who should never have been allowed to exist. The present 
writer, believes that if the policy of ruthless annexation had 
been followed consistently since the days of Chandragupta 
Maurya, there would have been evolved in India stronger 
and stabler states, and it would not have been possible for 
foreigners like the Scythians, Hunas, and Muslims to get so 
easy a footing in India* 

The Rashtrakuta administration was certainly efficient. 
The 20th century would naturally disapprove of a system of 
administration under which a large number of civil officers 
were recruited from the army. But it may be pointed out that 
the bifurcation between the civil and military, and executive 
and iudicial functions is more recent than our period, and the 
recent history of Italy, Poland, Spain, Portugal and Germany 
shows that it is by no means certain that some states in future 
/may not revert back to the old system where the military com- 
manders, being persons of proved vigour and efficiency were 
^|ru$ted with important administrative posts. Probably the 
j exigencies of a forward policy were responsible for the 



appointment of 'so many military commanders 'to civil posls» 
The evils of the system were probably to a great extent 
mitigated by the 'fact that the military officers were after all 
sons of the soil and were assisted by hereditary district* 
Taliika, and village officers. Democratic institutions like 
elected parliaments, responsible cabinets etc., were absent* 
but it may be pointed out that they existed nowhere else in 
contemporary times. The Rashtrakufa subjects, however* 
ciijoj^ed a substantial amount of self-government by the 
circumstance that large powers were delegated to local 
bodies where they had an effective voice. How far the 
administration secured the material, moral and cultural pro- 
gress of the people is the next question to be considered.- 
Sufficient evidence has been adduced in chapter XV to show 
that the Deccan was 'economically strong and prosperous 
under the Rash|raku|as, Otherwise their aggressive wars 
would havC' been impossible. Commerce was brisk,' and 
several industries flourished. The mines were also yielding 
rich^ income. The high compliments paid to the ' Deccanese 
chai^acter by the' Chinese and the Muslims would show that 
the moral welfare was also looked after. It is, however* 
difficult to determine how much of the credit in this respect 
has to be given 'to the state a'od how much to religion. In 
religious matters the state maintained a catholic and tolerant, 
attitude. Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism lived side by- 
side in peace and harmony. It may be pointed out that dur- 
ing our period, there was no such harmony in Tamil country* 
where the Jains were ruthlessly persecuted by the Saivaits. 

The effort of the state to promote the cultural wellbeing, 
of the subjects can, to some extent, be judged from the 
chapter dealing with Education and Literature, Both these’ 
received the royal patronage in a liberal measure; if the 
literature did not flourish more luxuriantly than it actually* 
did, the fault seems to be not of the slate. It must-be^ 




however, T'he Mauryan, 

.„d credtobk “"‘f Fi„. a its seeiTi 

daim oan U .™da for •(.= *V MolkW CouA 

to have been gl j, „„ doubt an archileetural 

wonder; but it is me oiuy v evidence to 

hanaea aown to the P«' 

^ow that any other monume temple, again, 

^.^»EyCw '.he work of ar.U» .mpor.ei 

ham Kanchi. ■ spheres, our age was an age 

of transition. It was ^ Hinauism. intercaste ainners 

Budahisrn. ^shads having ^ 

and mamages. and ^ig disappeared from the Hindu 
settle socio-rehgious ma ’ ^ provincial sub-castes, 

^^oty. Froto. t .be .eeuectetion 

the association of dancing g - intricate 

of the Sati custom m the 

Smarta ritual are innovatio probable that 

or to the I ^““^^ost of these changes were changes 

our age believed that m j. tbe Hindu society 

f<„.d«b«ler.buti= MbsJ^^^^ 

has shown that they thinkers of the age should 

One cannot help thinking realised the 

have taken a changes that were being either 

full consequences ot the new 
forced upon or recommended by the 




■ Read- .■ 

' 19 

Hoshangaba'd '■;■.■, 




Nannaraja . ■ 

Nannaraja ■ , 



,,liidra 1! ' 

Indra 1 






,. tlie' lastv , 




the last 


''51 ■/' 





. Muttarasa 



'ffclW' ■ ■ ' - 


'"the last , 





'22' ■ 

Karnatakasabda- ■■■ ■ 

Karna taka s aabda - 

; nafesaBaiB/ 







,, ^statying ;v: 



K ; 

. Kiranyur 




los:,:;,; ' 

' ,, ■^r ', .„■ 

n ■ ' Sr* ■,■'■'■■■■ ■ 



Amoghavarsha HI 

Amoghavarsha 1! 











Govioda IV 

Govioda ii 



Ratfarliya — 

RatlLrajya — 







XVI ' 





to interfere 



in contradiction to 





in contradiction of 








and control. 

, and control 


Karaa tabhasha - 








;■! . 



Amogbavarsha I 






1 ’ 











Parasava ■ ■ 



1 ^ 











■ tax . 







Pp. 52-3* The conjecture hazarded here that Srivaiiabha 
mentioned by Harisena in the .colophon of the Harimnsa 
as ruling the Deccan in the year 783 A.D. would be Dhruva 
rather than Govinda II, is now confirmed by an unpublished 
grant of Dhruva lying in the treasury of the State of Bhor, 
which is dated. in S' aka 702 f. e, 780 A. D., and is issued by 
Dhruva Dharavarsa. The plates will be shortly published. 

P. 85* The statement in the book that Dantivarman had 
succeeded his elder brother Dhruva II was based on the fact 
that there was a long interval of 21 vicars between the last 
known date of Dhruva I! and the first known date of his 
-successor Krsiia. Recently, however, a new grant of 
Dhruva II has come to light, which I am editing for the 
Epigmphia Indica, and which reduces this interval to a period 
•of less than four years. The passage giving the date is in 
■words* but is defective; it reads 

The word for the number of centuries is omitted 
by inadvertence* but there can be no doubt that the expression 
■was intended to be This record thus supplies 

S84 A.D. as the latest date for Dhruva IL It* therefore, now 
looks extremely improbable that Dantivarman could have 
reigned between Dhruva il and Krsiia Ahalavarsa IL In 
TOy paper on this plate I have adduced reasons to show that 
fCr§na Akalavar^a II was very probably a son of his, 
predecessor Dhruva 1! and not of his brother Dantivarman* 




Pp. 124-5. The sack of Maikhecl. In Saradeiraina 
Varstka. o. 6. Prof- Hiralal Jain has suggested that the sack 
ofMalkhcd by theParamara ruler Siyaka may have taken 
place in %2 A.l). and not 972 A.D. He relies on the colophon 
of the Mahmrana of Puspadanta. which according to its 
colophon was completed dn the tlth of June 9fi5 A.D., and 

which refers to the sack of Malkhed in a verse of its 87th. 

chapter. Until the Parana is published, it will be difficult 
to assess the value of these passages. It, however seems 
extremely improbable that the Rashlrakula capita cou 
have been captured during the reign of the mighty emperor 
ni. He was holding even I amil districts down 
to the last year of his reign: this would have been impossible 
if the Rashfrakuta prestige had been shattered by the capture 
and plunder of the imperial capital in 962 A.D. We must 
further note that the Malva Praiasti distinctly states that the 
opponent of Siyaka was Khottiga:- 

gmf 5TO2 m This statement in the Paramiira dhcial 

I'lrm would OfMalkhcd took place 

during the reign of KhoUiga, rather than that of Krsria. 
We must, therefore, accept 972 A.D., as the date of the event as 
supplied by Dhanapala in the colophon of his PSiyalachchlu. 

P. 309. The identification of Kampilya suggested here 
is wrong. The new copper plate of Dhruva li. dated 884 A.D. . 
makes it clear that this Kampilya is to be identified with the 
village Kapha in BardoU Taluka, Surat district. 


Origimai Sources 

inscriplions of the Rasht^’^kuias, their predecessors* con- 
temporaries* and successors, as published in' Epigraphia 
Iiidica/Epigrapiiia Carnatica, Inscriptions from Madras Presi- 
dency, Indian Antiquary, Journals of the Bombay Branch of 
the Royal Asiatic Society* Asiatic Society of Bengal, Royal 
Asiatic Society* etc. References to these inscriptions can be 
lound in the foot-notes in the text. 

Almost all the books in Sanskrit, bearing upon the Dharma* 
s’astra, Nitis'astra and Arthasastra. The reader will 
find specific names in the foot-notes. 

Fleet, Corpus InscriptLonumIndicarum,Voi. Hi. Calcutta, 1888. 
HiralaL List of Inscriptions from the Central Province and 
Berar. Nagpur, 1916- ■ 

Rapson, British Museum Catalogue of Coins of the Andhras^ 

, Kshatrapas, etc. London, 1908. 

Pathak, Kavirajamarga of Nfpatufiga. 

Somadeva, Yas'^astilaka. Kavyamala series. 

Rice, KarriElakabhlshabhusana of Nagavarma. Banglore, 
1884 . ' ■ . 

AbhklliFinarajendra. Rutlaui, 1913. 

Stein* Rfiiatarangini. Bombay, 1892. 

Yas'ahpala, Mohaparajaya. Baroda, 1918. 

Accounts by foreigners 

Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vois. I and II, London. I9M, 
Takakusu, Itsing s Travels. Oxford, 1896. 

^All these Bmks are mailable at the Orienfal 
Book Agency, Poona- 

• 423 .' ' 



Hliiot, History of India. Vols. I and II. London, 1870. 

Sachau, Albemni’s India. London, 1888. 

Gibb, Ibn Batuta. London, 192V. 

Cordier. Yule’s Travels of Marco Polo. London, 1926. 

Schoff. The Periplus of the Erythraeon Sea. London. 1912. 

Mcrindle, Ancirait India, as described by Megasthenes and 
Arrian. Calcutta, 1926. 

Maulvi Maheshprasad Sadhu, Sulaiman Saudagar, Hindi 
translation, published by the Nagari PrachariijI Sabha. 
Benares. 1922. 

Tavernier, Travels in India. Calcutta, 1905. 

Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire (2nd Edition), Oxford. 

Modern Works' 

Fleet. The Dynasties of the Canarese Districts of the 
Bombay Presidency. Bombay, 1899. 

R. G. Bhandarkar. Early History of the Deccan. Bombay 
Gazetteer. Vol I, part 1. Bombay. 1896. 

Bhagwanlal Indraji, Early History of Gujrat, Bombay 
Gazetteer, 'Vol. 1. part II. Bombay, 1896. 

C. V. Vaidya, History of Hindu Mediaeval India. 3 Vols 
Poona, 1921-26. 

Rapson, Indian Coins. 

j. Dubreuil, Pallavas. Pondichery. 1917. 

' Pran Nath, A Study into the Economic Conditions of 
Ancient India. London, 1929. 

Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume. Poona, 1917. 

Altekan A History of the Village Communities in Western 
India; 1927, Bombay. 

Alkfar. A History of the Important Ancient Towns and 
Ghes in Gujrat; Bombay. 1925, 




‘Majiimclar. Corporate Life in Ancient India. Calcutta, 1918. 
Jayaswal, Hindu Polity. Calcutta* 1924# 

D. R. Bhaodarkar# The Carmichael Lectures, Calcutta, 1921. 

' Ghosal, Hindu Revenue System. Calcutta, i929» 

.Sen, Hindu Jurisprudence. ( Tagore Law Lectures ). 

' R, D, Banerji, The Palas of Bengal Calcutta, 1915, 
Oldenberg, The Buddha, English Translation. London, 1882. 
Winternitz, Geschichte der Indischen Litteratur. Lepzig, 1920. 
Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature. Oxford, 1928. 

Nahar and Ghosh, Epitome of Jainism. Calcutta, 1917. 
Codrington, Ancient India. London, 1926. 

Peterson. Report on the Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts. 
Bombay. 1877. 

Vidyabhusan, A History of Indian Logic. Calcutta, 1921. 
Moreland, India at the Death of Ahabar. London, 1920. 

,, From Akabar to Aurangzeb. London, 1923. 

, , . Agrarian System in Muslim India. Cambridge, 1929# 

Bali, A Manual of Geology in India. Calcutta, 1881. 

'La Touche, A Bibliography of Indian Geology- and- Physical 

Geography. Calcutta, 1917. 


AhlddkamrTijeucira , 1 42-3 

EisItfrakSia aadi Kis 

hms€, 4-6 
Aborigiaal gciis, 28S 
AiMMrfMma hattara, 206 
AdipurMa^ 8S, 99, 410 
Adipurdria ©f Faiapa, 411 
Ada^rallSii measure, 376 
Adverse possessiou, 348 . , 


'M^grahara villages as centres of 
educatioa, 402-4 
Aharu m AharanK 137 
Aj it a itrtk a n har aput Tnm, 412 
Akalankadeva,^ 409 
Akalavarslsa Sulsltatuiiga, Early 
RisEtrckSia ruler ?, i—2 
Akiiavarsiia Sukliatunga, of Gu- 
jarat brancli, HI 
Akkam, 366 

Alienation of inuM lands, 194 
,, „ property, taxes pay. 

aWe at, 195; see also under 
Amatiia, 169-70 
Ambulance corps, 254 
Amogbavarslia I; born in 808, 

6S; bis career. 71-79; bis 
deposition, 73; bis reinstation, 

, 74; ftirtier rebellions against, 

. ' 76; defeated by Vijayaditya. II, 

• ,, ; 74; defeats GufagaVijayaditya 

75; war witb tbe Palas, 77-8; 

' ; ' iiu .^rellgion, 8S-9; hm abdica- 

• ' 426.. 

Amogbavarsba 11, 105-6 
Amogbavarsba ' HI, pressed 
accept tbe crown, i08; bis* 
career, 111-5 
Amoghavrtti , 410 
Amusements, 350-1 
Anarchy and village councils, 21 1 
Animal. sacrifices,, 294 ,, 

Annexation policy, 262. 416 
Anniga. a Nolamba king,- 112, n, 5 
Appayika. a contemporary of 
Pulakesin II, 28, ■■ „■ 
Aptamimaissa. 409 • 

Arakhu 376 
ArdhamTinga tenure. 224 
Arikesafin I, 51 n. 10; 129 
,, II. 107-8; 129-30 
Army of tbe Eisbtrakntas; its 
strength, 255-6; its divisions, 
247-8; relative strength of the 
three arms, 248-9; hereditary 
forces in. 250'ri; recruitment 
for, 249; training oft 252; alio* 
wances and death pensions, 251** 
2; presence cf women in, 254-5 

Ashiasahai^rh 409 
Ashfasatu 409 

Astrologers and astrology, 156; 

A/immedhii,tii Prtbvlvyigbra, 37 
Attivarman, 4 
Austerities, 299-300 
j 4 i;alo/sfl-«ndi»gepitb«lSi 83, n. 33’ 
Ay anna, 127 
AfAiktakai 196 

Ayyapadeva Naiwiiga. 112 n. 5 




BMapa, of Vengi, I2i'"2 

See uii^er Va^dega 
,* a Chiiiifeya chief t 129 
B5lHiika%iallai»lsa, 66 n. 50 
B a ia f7« i-tk ck 224 
Baiikeya, 85 
■ Banking hy village ceiroeik, 20S-9 
BapiHiva, 130 

Beiigerivislsaya. 51 n* 10; 129 
2 ! 4-5 

i>h(7iii rnovemeat, 299 
Bliaamka, Talk’s father-in-law, 

B !i widTi gz r (k « , 171 

Bltaroch» 358 
Bhaia. 233-4 

Bhattakalanka, on Amoghavarsha 

I. m 

BhavanagS, 29 
Bliilla»m il* 126 n. 49; 130 
BliiiBa, Taila's ancestcr, 127 
BhIiTfa I cf Vengi* wins back his 
kingilom, 76, 91; his son killed 

in battle, 96 

Bhlma II cf Vengi, 107 
BhlniaparSkrama, 127 
Bhogapaii, 137; 177-8 
Bhoja I, PrafihUra emperor, 77; 
8 , 2 ,. 85 ;, 97 , 

Bfcoja II » FratihSra emperor, 101 

Bhukth 137 

Bh uia rZda prutnaija , 228-9 
Bfellteyadeva, 1 32 
EigurB 231 
Bcnthadevl, 104; 127 
Brahmahara, same as BhSmaha. 

Bralmiaiias, eaemption from the 
capital punishment cf, 329-30; 
from teation of* 327-8; inferior 

to the Xshatrlyas?, 324; pro- 
fessions folio wed hy, 325-6 
Biidharija, 159 
Budhavarsha, 46 

Btiddhism, and military emascu- 
lation, 315; declining, 269-71; 

its establishments in the 

Deccan. 308-9 

Bltnga II, 79; 87; 94; marries a 
daughter cf Amogliavarshalll, 
109; supplants Richamalla, 112; 
helps Xifshna in at his, ^acces- 
sion, 115, and In the Chela .war 
by killing RSjaditya, 118; pro- 
vinces ceded to him by Krshna, 


Camp followers, 254 
Canarese, . mother tongue . of : the: 
Rashtrakutas, 21; spoken upto 
the Godavari, 24 
Castes, their number, 317^19; 
interdining among, 338-9 imter- 
marriages among, 336-7; pro- 
vincial, 335 

Ceylon king submits to Govinda 
m, 69;to Krshna III, 118-9 ' 
ChakirSja. 46 
Chakrakota, 92; 95 
Chakrayudha, king cf ICanauf, 30; 
championed by Dharmapila, 56' 
instaiied at KanauJ, 64; but ex- 
pelled by Nagabhata, 65; sub- 
mits to Govinda III, 66 
Chalukyas, Early, their dominions 
30;, by whom overthrown, 36-9, 
44; their connection with later 
Chalukyas, 127-8 
Chalukyas,, Eastern,, see under' 

Ctefakya imiBitwim uni^t 

RSslilrafella®* 46 

fjIsSiukyas, comneettoB 

witli tiieEarlyCliilakya®, l27-%^i^t^'y^* 412 
ChmBiiiifhragapur^na 413 
Ckao^t'agwpl^®** ICoWa. 66 n. 51 

■ri»AMcter. Indian, estimate of 

Dancing girlst 295-^6 
Dantidiirga, liis eaieer. 
Sarva Ms epitkelt 34 n. 
clares iiidepett<i«n<ce» 2 
an oppressor, 4!-'2 
Dantivarmaii, of tke main 
„ of the Goiarat bran- 
DasSvatSra inscriptiofi* 
to DantMurgas time, 

Deccan, wealth of, 3:3 j-'o 
D emocracy t ISO-I 
Deiagramakuidf 178 
Devadasis, see under Dancing 

Dbanapala, 412 
]}haTiiTB€i>vi(xhamdtya, 169 
Bharmankus*G, 169 
Dbarmaplla, marries a RSsb|ra- 
kSi|a princess, 55; cbampioo® 
Cliaferiymiba but defeated by 
Vatsaraja, 56; second mareb 
against Vatsaraja, 57; defeated 
Dhruva,57, defeats ¥«tsarija 
and instaEs CbakrSyudba 64; 
submits to Govinda HI, 66 
Dharm^pradhanu, 169 
Dbarma^aloka, 88 »• 33 
Dbarmoltaricbarya, 410 
DharmoUaratippafiaka 410 
Dbruva, of tbe main brancb, 
52-9; Ms plot against^ Govinda 
II, 50-2; imprisons SivamSrk, 
54; attacks ICancbit 55; defeats 
VatsarSija and Dbarmapala, 56- 
7; bis abdication ? 60-1 

Dbruva I, of Gufarat, 81 

II, of Gujarat, 81, 84^5 see 
also Addenda 

District councils, 158-9; 2Jl 

OMia, 234 

Cbedis, their marriage relations 
with the Eishtrakutas. 104 
Chief justice, 167 
Chitrakuta, comi^ered by 

ICfshpa IH. 112; reconquered 

by Yalowrman, 113, 120 
ChitrakiSla king defeated by 
Govinda III, 66 

*vCMtrair5hana,, , .1 74 

Cholas defeatedl by Govinda Ob 
' 69; by ICrshna III. U6-20 
Choroddharatiika, 261 
Chudivaramf 227 
‘Cioth industryt 356-7 
Coinage. 364-67 

“^Commander-in-chief, 167-8 

' -^Conoibinage* 346 

.Constitutional checks, 157-80 
■ Copper* Es relation to 

other metals, 366-7 
; , ,CtiSfearers, 363 
i'V,Cbst of Eving. 389-90 
^ royal, 155-6 



Doctor » 157; 326 
Dramnm, 364 
Branga, 214 
Dress, 348-9 
Duta^ 166-7 
Diifciliaitialla, 129 


Edycatioo, genera! coiiilitio a, 
398-9; how financed, 404-5; 
Educational Qualifications, for 
gO¥ernsneiit service, IBS 
Election, of kings, 150-1; of the 
village councils, 198-9; of the 
town councils,.. 183 
Elichpttr, capital of Ynilhlsnra, 

9; pre.Malkhed capita! ? 4 8 
Ereyappa, 1 12 n. 5 
Excise duties, 229-30 
Export articles, 358-59 


Family, joint, 339-40 
Favourites, royal. 185-6 
Ferry lax, 232 

Feudatories, 262-8; their differ* 
ent grades, 263; degrees of 
control over, 264-7; effects of 
the feudatory policy, 4! 6 
Fighting, rules of, 25S-9 
Fine Arts, 418 
Fines, 235-6 
Foreign minister, 166-7 
Forests, ownership of, 240 
Fornication, 346 
Forts, 256-7 

.....g. ......... 

Gmdi0irfikat 366 

<Sangavidf, invaded by i; 

44 ; annexed by Dhrnva; 54s . 
Iiaiided hack to Sivamira, 

■ 62; again annexed, 63; armleS'- 
of, defeated, 69; becomes in- 
dependent, 78; given to BiSfiiga 
after the overthrow of Racha- 
maHa I, 112; under Molamlbais- 
taka' Marasimha. 119; under 
Fanchaladeva; 132; tinder 
Rachamalia If, 132 
Gaiiitasarammgraha^ 88; 410 
Gattdt style, 407.. . 

Generals, status, priv.ileges ..and... 

'paraphernalia of, 168; 253 
Gogiyama, 121 
Goggi, 128 
Govardhana, 49 

Government expenditure, 244-6 
Government properties, income- 
from, 236-44 

Government revenues, sources 
of, 212-3 

Governors, their selection, 173- 
and powers, 174-6; military 
forces under, 174; centr'X 
government control over, 175 : 
Govinda I, 27-8 

Govinda II, defeats the ChSlnkyas; . 

44; career as king, 48-52; con, 

' troversy about the accession of! 
48 n. 1; becomes licentious, 50; 
overthrown by Dhruva, 51-2 
Govinda III, career, 59-71; war 
after accession. 62-3; war vrith 
the FaHavas and ChSlukyas. 
63-4; expedition in northern 
India, 64-68; second war with- 
the Pallavas, 69-70, 

Govinda IV, his sensuousness, 
106-7; defeated by Bhlma* 107; 
rebellion against and overthrow 
of, 107-110 

Govinda, Pulakesin*s contempo- 
rary,. 28 


Heirlefts pro|»ertf. 242 
Hereditary officers, l/8-SO, 

Himalaya, reached hy Govinda 

iil?,66n. 52 

fflruf^aagarhhmMm, 35, 40, 297 
Ho«se ta3C» 231-2 

.Covindaraia of Naravaiia plate*. 


ar'ima, various interpretations 

aiseassed. 142-7; average s«e 

of, 148 

t}fafM>Mahatt(iT <2 # 1 58-9 

GiiiWs, 367-71 

Gujarat. conc{uered by ' 

durga, 38; by Govinda UI, /U 
65;-Konkan not invaded by 
Amoghavarsba I. 84 n. 34 
Gujarat Rashtrakatas; 79-87; ea- 

tent of their kingdom. 86; bne 

founded by Indra. 79; Ws son 
Karkka helps Amogbavarsha I, 
72-4. 79; bis younger brother 
Govinda not a usurper, 80; 
Dhfuva I dies fighting against 

Amogbavarsha I. bis son Aka- 
Invar^a regains the throne, 81. 
85; Ws son Dhruva H makes 
peace with Amogbavarsha I, 
81; his son Dantivarman , 85; his 
soceesBor Krshna Akalavarsha. 
85. and Addenda; expelled by 

Krshna II. 98; end of the line. 

Indra I, Prohhakaraja, 

Indra II. marries Bhavanaga. 29; 

his career, 31-2 . , 

Indra IH. career, 99-103; de- 
feats the Pararoaras, lOO-l; 
defeats MahlpSla and conquers 
Kanauj. 101-3 
Indra IV. l3i-2 

Indra, brother of Govinda HI. 62, 
65-6, 71 n. 66, 79 

Indra, sob of iCrshBa, d- > , . 
IndrayBdiia. 56 , . « 

Industries of the Deccaa* 3 j 6-/ 
Inheritance* order of* 243-4; 

Interest rates, 371-6, 386 
Ivory industry, 357 

*4kffthhadra, 99 
^<}n^chandra. 410 
83 n* 

Quram* 293 

Jagadgu-rit* 282 
Jagattuttgat Krslifi* 

90, 97, 99 

Jagattunga* a younger brother-o 

JfiiWsm. patronised by Amogte- 
varsha I. 88 and Krsh?a II. 

Wider Ifiiva. 



99; why prospered during our 
period* 272, 310*13; Matha lile 
in, 313; responsiWe for mili- 
tary deeline ? 99, 315-6 
JSkavvS, 127 
jSnapad*. 157-8 
Jayasimlia, 154 
Jayavardliana, 31, 37 

JbanJIia, 126 n* 49 
Jinacbaiidra. 412 
Jinasena, Amogliavarsha^s Gara, 
88. 4i0 

Jiidlicial powers of the village 
councils, 2! 0-1 


Kaiam, 376-7 
Kaianjar, 113, 120 
Kalanjii,, 365-6 
JKalas college, 403 
:..,KaIavit|arasa, 174 .. . 

Kalhana on elective kingship, 151 
ICalivallahha, 53 
Kalpi, 102 n, 44 
Kalyan, 358 
Kamalavardhana* 150 
Kampana 168 
Kanchl, see wider Pallavas 
Karka I of the main branch, 28 
Karka II of the main branch t 
125-7; 130*31 

Karkarija II of the Gujrat branch, 
his relations with the imperial 
family, ii-4; governor under 
Dantidwrga, 40, onsted by 
_ Krshiria, 43 

ICarka Swvariraavarsha, a brother 
of Gavinda III, 59 
ICarka Swvarjniavarsha, a son' of 
Indra. Amoghavarsiia*®-. guar-*. 

dian, 72*3; same as Pafila* 
malla, 72 n. 3 

Karharaja, father of. Pambala, 82 
Karkara* '110 

KurnapkaialxMfmiasc*. nam» 88 

Kasn, 366 
Rattiyira* 46 
Kavirahasya, 408 
Kuvirajciynarga, 88, 40ii„.4l i 
Kavyanus asmmm, 40B 
Ka'vyu style, 406 
Khadgavaloka, 83 
Kerala kingdom# 69; 1 18*3 
Kelirlia on Amoghavarsha f, 88 
Ketaladevl, 154 

Khottiga, 124*5; sea also Addenda- 
King, hereditary or elective, 150- ' 
1 and n, 2; age at accession of, 
154; how far constiintionai, 157 
Kiranapura, 75, 95 n, 18 
Kirfcivarman II, 39; ESti-appa his.v;- 
epithet ? 43 
Kokkala. 90*1. 101 
Konnnr inscription , its reliability,'' 

Kosala king, defeated by Danti 
dnrga, 37 

Krshna I career, 41*8; did- not' 
oust Dantidurga, 42; over- 
throws Klrtivarman, 44;' in*" 
vades Gangavadi, 44; defeats 
Vishnuvardhana 45; con<iu©rs 
Konkana, 45 

Krshna II, career.. 9i,-;99; wars 
with Vijayaditya, 91-4; with 
Bhoja I, 97; puts an end to- the 
Gujarat branch, 98 
Krshna III, his career. 1 1 i-23f his'' 
part in winning the Ihroite.fer' 
his father, 109; wins GangaWadi? 
for BStuga, 1 12; defeats theGl^e*' 




50fif|w«irs iCSlani^ 

jta, 113? annex®® M^detfi maastire. 326 

t^la, 116^2? cnnqners MaMjanmt 199-202 

ami marclies on Eame- Mahakshapaialaka, 120 

118-9; 0'si'®J*a'W'es Cey M(iMi(pT€ichuf}icdi2t^l€i}i‘iiiJuku^ 

j cedes some iistsfiets l^g 

iga, 119; los«s Ciiitra- ]{iahapmdhum , 165 
i Kalattiar. 120 defeats MaMpiiroMta, 169 
120-1; pwts Maharatkif25 

e m tlie Vengl tlimiie» MahtisandhidgraMka, 166-7 
latli'date iiscmssed* I22t Makattarm^ council of, 295-6 
Mahat^arMhikBrir:fik» 206 

ja, a iCalaclinn 3, MaMUarasarv'^dMk&rin, 159-60 

MaliivIracliSrya, S8 

as. snperior to Bmlinia- |y|^i,;psia, 101-2 
124; exempted from the MailaievI, 154 

pttmshnient ? 330-1; j^alfehed, when it became capital, 

as position of, 331-2 46-8; not pkindered by Vijaya- 

%&imh 154 ditya HI 95 n. 18; sacked by 

laka, 100 n* 38 Slyaka. 124-5; see Addenda 

376 MallavSdin, 410 

Malva. 67, 68 

L Man4^la» 136 

« ^ rbedi kinfe 104. Msn^S, 75. 91-2 

ana-. a 'A«»tieai ^ . 

ManjTuh* 366 
Mapikyanandin* 409 
Blanne. the Danga capital, 44 
M&ntrifh 169 
Manga tenure. 224 
Marakkal, 376 

Marasimba, aCbSkkya feudatory ; 

Marasimba, Nolambantaka, bis 
- .snecession. 119; helps iCrsbpa. 
■ ■III in the Maka expoditton. 
::.-l20-t; scenes of Ms iriclories. 
125; helps KboHiga, 125; es- 
' ^■/ '■pnnses the cans® of indra IV, 
1 31; dies by SalUkMm^ ww, 

kaksbntldevft, 154 

taksbmkallabba. 84 
tmA leases# 351-2 
ijfcml ownersMp. 236-9 
lunnd prices, 384-5 
Land lwatlon^< in theory and prac- 
' tice. 217-23; for temple lands, 
223; for specia! tenures, 224; 

, ' rwiskin of rates and remissions 
,i>f 225jcoleol^M instalments 

; - 1 and in kind, 226^ . ■ 

/L^d tmmres, 251 



Marriage® ag® at. 342; tax at, 232; 
wills maternal imcle's liaagliter, 

Mat 5««lHstryt 357 
Matlia MS centre of education* 401 

Maltur, 22 } 

Meiitla da 111, 250-1 
Maaiika arharia, 194 
Maywrfclssttili, 47 
M'nia^Uarum^ 224 

Mem* an unidentified place, I OO 
Metals, tlieir relative prices, 366- 


Military, ascendancy of the, 247 
Mines, 24!-2; 355-6 
Ministry; 160-73; held in high 
reverence, 160-2; feudal status 
of the jnemhers of. 16 1 ; nation- 
al welfare dependent on* 162; 
«|ua!ilications for .the memhers 
of, 162-3; military «|ualifications 
for the member* of* 164; differ- 
ent' member® in, ,164-173; its 
inetlioii of daily work, 1 72-3 
Jifimi#/iarfl*'166. 177. 341 
MoraEty, minister of, 169 
Mularaja* 121 

Muslims, invasion of Gujarat by, 
32; aliaace with Migablia|a of* 
treatment under the Eishtra- 
kifa administration of, 187; 
276-7; 387 ; social relations with, 


liwtiarasa, 44* 54 



llS'giibl«|a# 11^ 65-6 
HSlpdfrttt* a general of 'lailsi' II, 

^ m • 

N’agarapati, 139, 181 
Wagatavoharakas^ 139 
Hagavaloka, indentity of, S2-3 
and n. 33 
Hagavarman, 8S 
Ncdachampu^ 408 
Mmuasya tenure, 224 
Hambudri Brahmanas, 338 ■ 
Nandivarman, 37-8 
Hanna Gunavaloka*. 27-8 
Hannaraja of Multai plates, 6-111^ 
Hirasimha, a Chilukya feudatory, 

Narasimhabhadradeva, 129 
Narit a measure, 376 
Masik, 47 
Havy. 257, 415-6 
Himpama, 125 
NUivakyamrtat 411 
Hiyuktas, 196 

Holambavidi, 63;- under Ganga 
suzerainty, 94; Krsinja'"* war 
against, 90# 92; attacked by 
VijaySditya HI, 94; Dantiga 
and Vappuga of* killed -by 
Krshna III, 112; AyyapadeVa 
and Ereyappa of, 1 12 n. 5 
Humerical figures attached ‘ to- 
territorial divisions, their 
various interpretations, I39-49;’ 
revenue theory, 139-40; |M»pulifc*» 
tion theory, 141; estates theory, 
142-48; village numbers theory*' 
141-4; divisions theory, 149* ’ ' 
Nyagabindaitka ,410 
Ngagakumudachandtodayu^ 410 


Officers* loyalty of, 186; salarieJ^ 
of»„ 187-8; selection of, 184-45 
expenses of their slay.#, 234 ■ . . 
Octroi duties# 229-.30 . 


Fradhiifi&^ 164-I66 
p$*aM€i^a ka mu laMlTt ut^^a ; 409» 1 0 
Fras* mttarmMiikat S9* 41 1 
pftdifddMt 172 
PrUytu'chUtas » 286-7 
Premier* 164-6 

Prices; el rice* 378-9» of oil ati4 
cur«ls» 381; of puhes, salt# 
pepper* cumiR. 332; of 

cardamoms, mmphm. miA 

fmits, 383; of ewes, cows and 
liaflaEoes* 384* of laod* i84-5» 
BO 700 % rise htlmtm the 5th 
andlltli centary, 387-392; in 
tise l7tE century; 393; cwatro! 
of* 393 

Primary education* 399 
princes as governors, 153 
Princesses as governew, 153-4 
Piilivipati II* 78 
P^EvirSma# 93 n* 13 

P|fcliv*vaial»l«» 84 
FrtkvJvySgiira* 31, 37 
Frovmeial councils, 158-60; 211 
FuWic works* 290 > 30%*4 
Pniasakti SilEfeara* 78 


Purd^ system, 343 
PuroMi&t 169 

Palavas. defeated by iJmnueum^ 
38; fey Dferuva, 55; fey Govinda ■ ■ 
III, 63; tfeeir capital occupied* 

69; # . * 

Pampa, on liis patron KSrasimfea, 
102* 107-S; Ills date, 411-2 
PSncfeSladeva, 132 

Fatidii&f 169 ' ^ 

PSiidya king* def ealed fey Govmda 
III, 69; fey Krslipa IH* 118-9 ^ 
Pnrafeala* 55; fatfeer-in-iaw of 
Bfearmapila. 55 

Parafeala, of Pafcfeari pillar* 82-3 
ParamSras* !00-i* 120-1; plunder 
, Halkfeed, 124, see Addenda 
Paramelvaravarman, 38 
ParSntaka* ! 16 
PSfipita* 49 

PixrtkBk^mukkasMmt 409 
Pari&hud* 283 

P^Mbhgudbifa* 4B 

paufimic religioii, 283-6; 300‘'%2 
Pmriimai measure* 376 
PilgfliiiiNg«»» ^97 

PImpert plates* genuineness of* 
51 11.2 

pilHas of Sankaricfearya, 281-5 
Pnds, 156 
P<dfce* 259-61 
Political agent, ^^4 
Poona* 412 ^ 

' comMnaM^ of* 165 

‘ 'fliilSidiiiiidBa, 
PrabhSffakac^Ht* 83 
Prachanda, imrfcrter M 

RacliainaEa, 112 
RSliappa, 43 
RmjSditya* 107-8 
Rajalakfeara, 408 


MujjnkGS, 172 
Ramesvaram* Hi 
Rap ayaiafelia* 85 n 

Ro^Sdwt* 55 

INDEX ■■■ 


Rattsom lor lust articles, 390-2 
J^TiS^ira^ an aiministratwe tiiiit» 
136* 173 

Easintraklitas; early famiMes. 1-11; 
Ya4ii iescent tkcoiy, 16; Ealkor 
aescent tlieory, 17; Telega origm 
theory, 17; Marathi aesccrtt 
theory, 18-25; imperial, 
Canarese family aomicika in 
Berar, 21-5; not a matriarchal ' 
stock, 154; meaning of the term, 
26-7; extent of their empire, 
135; wars of succession among, ■ 
414-5; a dynasty of able rulers. 
410; merits of their aiiministra- 
tion, 416-7; achievements eva- 
Inatei, 417-8; time a«^ causes 
of their downlallf 126 
Eu^hiramahattaras, 158-160; l76 

vESshtr^arman,. 4^ ■ 

MaikiSf «iif I ereiit : meanings of „ the 
term, 26-7; their position in 
early times, 19-20; spread over 
Mahnrashtra mi Karnatak, 
20-21; a»4 Mahirathis, 25 
Esthers, 17 

Eat|a, ancestor of the ESshtra- 
kSfas?, 17; earlier form of the 
term ESshtiaklla ? 25-6 
Eeconversion, 304-7 
Recordis. Inspector general of. 

170; of right, 170-1; 347-51 
Reiiiis and ESsh|rakntas* 17-8 
Regency admiiwstration, 153—4 
Remission of taxes* 180-1 

Remuneration of officers, 187: of 

the vilage headman, 193 
Real free lands, for the village 
headmawt 193; for Talnka 
' offieew. 179 

RepuhHcs, 150 
Resident, 264 

Revenue, see Government revenue; 

of the average vilage, 219 
Revenue memher, 170 
Roads, 360 


Sachiva, 168 

Bahahhi/antaraskldh i, 241 

Sakatayana, 410 
Sallekharia vow, 132, 180 
Salotgl college, 403 
Salt, 241 

Samanamahimata, 169 
Samangad plates. ...genmneiiess.of, „ 

. . 33-4 and n.;'ll;:4'''.'.4:' - 

, Samantahhadra,:'409;;^;''::';;;y|';'':^ 

SumbhrtopditaparatyZitfa , 228-f 
BamgrkUr^ 171 
Sa’^aphuila* 45i478' ^ ^ 
SandhirngrTihika, 167 
' SankarSchirya, 279-81: Bihm 

.'Sankila, 82-3; same as Sankara- 
^gana. 94r-5'; 

^antipurana* 412 
' Santivarman,^'l33':'\.^'-:-';';; ■: 

Sanyasa, *280-1: 
Sara&vatikariihZxbhQTaj^. 408 
Sarva, an epithet of Danti durga 
34 n* 12; of Amoghavarsha I, 68 
Sarva. a king of the Vindhyan 
regions, 67-8 and n. 55 
ScLrvadhikaTMh 165 
SasanadhikariUt 1 ^ 

Batk 343-4 

Secondary education, 400—1* 404 
Sevk4^jf 376 
SilihSras. 45; l33 



Silttk»t 39 

Silver, iti ratio willi <»llier itiatali* 


~Siii4k84».43 ^ ' , 

^ivamira* 54,. 61-2 
S£yak», IHM. 122-5 
Sfmria wligioUf 285, 300-4 
Soaiiala, 408 
Somadlava. 411 
Sj^orts* 3®- 1 

^tlEwaliat see uji4er Slyaka 
^rijioriislia of Gangavi4l, 44» 54 
Harivanla is 

0Erava* 53 and Addenda; epi- 

tEet of WtE Govinda 11 and 

^ J>hrmm$ 52-3 
Srivijaya* 103 
Stamfelia, 54t 61-3t 153 
SMikana^ 341 
’S^li**a«!Coiiiitaiit* 196. 397 

S«ili*cominitt«es» of village Councils 
^ 198. 202-4 
^drakayya. 121 
Sumanira^ 171 

Superstitions. 352-3. see also 
mnder Astrology 
Surnames. 349-50 
Buvafffi* a ooin. 365 
SSryavarroan. 150 


talk I, 127 

’’taila II. 125-6. 127-8. 130 
takicolam. kattle of* 117-8 
Taniore, 118 
Tanning, 357 
,T»rS. 309 

; taateSf In emergenoy, 235; exempt 
tion from, 327—28; in laWnr* 
231; on land, see under Land 

taxation; on maowfactiired 
artiele®, 2®-9s on miscelaneous 
nrtklea, 194; 231-3; al puberty 
oeremony* 232; on soaless 
persons, 232 

Temples, gods in# 287-8; wealtb 
of, ,,289-90;.,.,. nlility„.,,.of.., ..„.290,s„. 
worship in 291; castes of the 
Fnjaris xn, 293: dancing girls in, 

Tenures, varieties of, 224 
Thefts, compensation for. 260 
Toleration, among Indian sects, 
272-5; towards Muslims. 276 
Topdaimandalam, 116—7 
Tonsure, 344-5 ■ 

Town administration,, ,ISi— 4; com,* „ 
mittees,', 1,82— 3., 

Transport. 359-60 
Treasurer, 171-2 
Treasure troves, 242-3 
Trivikrama* 408' 

Tunga, 16-7 
Tmu 376 
Turbans, 349 


U hhanakanichn kram Hi .412 
Udayana. 31# 37 
lIda^a$uniarikutM , 408 ■■ ■■ ■ 

mraftga. 203-6 

lljjaylni, 39, 40. 102, and n, 44, 


Umbrelas, 349 

Dntouchables. groups included 
among. 320-2; grades among, 
323; depth of feeling abodt* 

tfpamiiukt&^ 196-7 



ITpa ri kam , 2 1 3-6 
(IpGijukta^ 196-7 
Up€ii*lra» 78® lOO**! 

Urakkn^ 376 
fjri^ 376 

■plf ala dynasty* 1 50 

tJii^,anga, 234 


VaMlilega* (also spoiled as Bad- 
4ega )» title of KrsItBa Hi. 115 
¥aaaega, Ya^ava kittg» 133 
Wkiiarbhi style® 407 
Vaisbya. 332-3 
VairSyiiiiiia® 30 

Vallabba* an opponent of tbe 
Gajamt brancb, 81-4 
TaUubkajnasan<:‘J't^Ti7iGki 1 84 
'Yappttga, 112 andl n. 5 

Yedic religion* clia not revive, 

Vengi CiiSlnlcyas* ' defeated by 
Govinda Yuvaraja, 44; by 
' Govinda III, 64; join NSga- 
• bbala against DbarmapSla, 65 
defeat tbe Rasbtrakntas, 74 
tbomugb defeat by Amogha- 
varsba I of, 75-6; reassert under 
Bbima, 76 

¥iikUmi^*a lab ha rrj Ik a ® 1 09 
VidySnanda, 409 
VijayabbatiarikS, 152 
Vifayiditya* a younger brother of 
Sivamara, 152 

'YijaySditya I of Vengi, 64. 74 
Vifayaililya II of Vengit 75 
VipySiitya HI of of Yengi, 91-6 

Vikramaditya III; Bana prinee. 


Ill, Chalukya prince, 1 27 ^ 
VihraTr^^^S^iavijaya^ 107 
Vikramavaloka, 83 and n* 33 
Village accountant, 195-7 
Village councils, jealous of their 
distinctive existence, 138; their 
constitutions and f anolioEis in 
Tamil country, 198-9; in Kar- 
natak, 199 - 205 ; in Maharashtra 
and Gujarat, : '20.5-6;,^ their 
powers in the Deccan sniaSer, 
207-9; their judicial • fractions* 

2 10; their meeting place,- _2t I 
Village defence, see under Village 

Village groups, for administrative 
purposes, 138 
Village Beadmen,;:; 188-95;;: 

tary,,, 185 ; -.their V.-nuinber ; :p«r,, 


■ ■';fence,l9l-2;lhnd8^^^^^ 
general ; ad'miniistrp'ibn^^^ 

; their -remuneration, 

caste,' ^ '195 -; ;;;k^ 

Village militia, 192 
Village size, 148 
Village Sanskrit schools, 404 
VhmyasthiUathapakay 16 ^ 
VingavalH, 75 
Viracharya, 410 
Vishayat 136-7 
Vishayaputi* 176-7 
nshih 231 

Vishnuvardhana IV, 44 
Vitthala temple, 288 
fratas® 286 

YasOTarmatt, Clita»<lels feinf, !0 
of Kanattf* 

Ytidlilmalla !« king of Sapadalalc^ 
ska, 129 

YiiakimaHa II, 129 
Yukta, 196-7 

Yuvaraja, position of, 151-3 
Ynvarija, I# Ckedi king* !C9 

Widowt rigliit of iakeritencc of* 
232-3* 340-1; riglit to alionate 
property* 342; marriages of 345 

Wtlaotsea* 347 

Wotteiii in camp, 254-5; as offi 
cars, 2SD; tkeir position if vio« 

ialeil, 346 

ZeiYiifidari villages,' 189 

All rights reserved the Piiblisher 

PirMifeci S, R, Sardesai, B.A, LL.B», at the Navin Samartk 
Vidyalaya's * SamartK Ekarat Press,' 947 Saclasliivt Poona 2 

FukU$hedbgt'-*Bf. H. G. Sardesai, L, & f.. Oricnia! Book 
IP : / Agencjyr’^^‘Shakrawar, Poona 2 (India) 



Dr. F. W. Thomas, Professor- of Sanskrit, Oxford, 

writes : — 

The work derives its unity from the nature of the subject# 
the history and culture of a fairly well defined part of India 
■during the period of a particular dynastj^ It is based upon a' 
first-hand study of the epigraphical records and the relevant 
literature, including such information as is furnished by exter- 
nal sources. The materials have been carefully and 
thoroughly examined, with the result that the political and 
dynastic history has been expounded much more fully than 
before. The references seem to me exact, and the argu- 
mentation, where there is occasion for such, to be apposite. 
When previous views are controverted, the- reasons are appro- 
priately stated .Whether the mother ( or original ) tongue 

of the Rashtrakutas was Kanarese may perhaps be doubted. 

In Part II (Administration) and Part III (Religious, Social 
and Economic conditions etc.) it is more difficult to distinguish 
the features proper to the RashtrakOja period and area from 
those of greater areas in space and time; and to a certain 
cxiimt Professor Altekar is constrained to seek informatioB 
outside the predetermined limits, 'He' endeavours, however, 
and it seems successfully, to elicit the specialities. It is not 
his fault if for the most part the methods of Indian adminis- 
tr^ion have rather been uniform and constant The notes on 
p. 136 concerning the employment of the term rashfrapaii and 
the discussion ( pp. 213-6 ) of the meanings of the terms 
admagci and uparikara, adduce new points in matters of 
known obscurity,. ..... 

Tlie hook may be described as a solid and welt docu- 
mented piece of work, and it constitutes an addition to previ- 
ous knowledge of the subject.